Senators Bennet and Udall: Make Farm Bill History

"Why use up the forests which were centuries in the making and the mines which required ages to lay down, if we can get the equivalent of forest and mineral products in the annual growth of the hemp fields?"

~Henry Ford

 

The United States Senate will have the opportunity to make history this week while debating the 2013 Farm Bill: a full debate on the re-legalization of industrial hemp via an expected floor amendment.  The crop of our forefathers.  A crop deemed so critical to our nation's future that farmers in Colonial America were under a mandate to grow the crop.  The crop that made possible Ben Franklin's Colonial Free Press.  The crop that clothed our early military; protected our pioneering ancestors as they crossed our vast prairies -  and counted 16 million acres of production in the 1862 Census. The crop USDA deemed so critical to national defense the federal prohibition was lifted during WWII.

It was a tragic confluence of events that lead to the demise of hemp.  Prohibition was in its waning days, and the federal bureaucracy built around alcohol seizure no longer had a mission – a focus on narcotics would be the lifeline for the bureaucracy.  Our nation was on the cusp of launching an economy mobilized by Rockefeller's new-found 'black gold'; the synthetic clothing market and the advent of the agricultural chemical industry was in its infancy at DuPont.   And media titan Randolph Hearst,  the owner of significant forestry assets, had launched an all-out media war on Hispanic immigrants and marijuana.

Thus was borne the "Marihuana Tax  Act of 1937";  legislation devised by Henry Anslinger and his uncle, Andrew Mellon of Mellon Banks to tax the production of industrial hemp.  And with the new tax, the production of hemp became an uneconomical alternative to the newly developed energy, synthetic clothing and chemical industry derived from fossil resources controlled by titans DuPont and Rockefeller.  Mellon was the banker of both DuPont and Rockefeller.  It's not terribly hard to do the math.  The more things change, the more they stay the same.

And with the enacting of the Marihuana Act came the demise of Henry Ford's "Iron Mountain" project where he had developed a sedan made of industrial hemp composites that was powered by ethanol fermented from hemp.  He had also developed an entire line of hemp-based  lubricants and industrial products.  

Forward to 1970 and the birth of our nations failed 'War on Drugs'.  Marijuana is defined as a Schedule 1 narcotic, on par with cocaine and heroine by the DEA, despite the fact the Congressional intent stated emphatically: 

 

    "nothing in this Act is meant to prohibit the production of hemp for industrial purposes"

 

In 2012 Colorado voters passed a constitutional amendment, Amendment 64, which in addition to legalizing adult use of marijuana also legalized the cultivation of industrial hemp by Colorado farmers.  Touting wide bi-partisan support, the amendment garnered more votes than our President.  The Colorado legislature acted swiftly and by Sine Die 2013 had put in place a regulatory framework for hemp.  The legislation passed third reading in both chambers with a unanimous vote.

Thus, an industry was borne.  Now the conflict between Federal and State law must be resolved.  And from this growing conflict between state and federal law (18 states took various legislative action on industrial hemp this year) was borne the "2013 Industrial Hemp Farming Act", known in Congress as S. 359 and H.R. 525.  Both Chambers tout broad, bi-partisan support.  But this legislative journey remains unclear.  The Judiciary Committees were given jurisdiction in their respective chambers.  In both cases, no hearings have been scheduled.  It's even more unclear whether the bills will be heard at all this year, given they are in the queue behind Immigration Reform.

Is there a better, more efficient way to move this legislation on an issue that broad support from across the political spectrum?  Yes – a floor amendment during the full Farm Bill debate in the Senate this week.  And we need the pro-active leadership of our two Senators.

Industrial Hemp has the potential to add a new, vibrant  addition to our agricultural 'horn of plenty' in Colorado.  The crop requires few chemical inputs; its water requirements are minimal when compared to many traditional crops across the eastern plains and western slope.  Its ability to remediate soils has at the potential to heal salt-laden agricultural soils and mitigate heavy metal contamination from old mines and superfund sites.  The United States is the largest consumer market of hemp products in the world – a $400 million annual market demand met exclusively from imports.  American farmers remain the only agriculturalists in the industrialized world to be prohibited from its cultivation.  

And while giving Colorado farmers a crop alternative to help them meet their ever-growing water resource challenges, the crop also gives us significant environmental benefits:  its ability to extract enormous amounts of atmospheric carbon from the atmosphere.  Hemp extracts four times the CO2 annually per acre than does a standing forest.  Annual dry biomass yields per acre range from 2-3x the amount of biomass produced by either a corn or switchgrass crop;  ethanol-from-hemp reduces the greenhouse-gas-emissions by 86% when compared to transportation fuels from petroleum.

It is expected that Senator Mitch McConnell will introduce a floor amendment to the 2013 Farm Bill on Tuesday that would remove hemp as a Schedule I narcotic, legalizing its cultivation under federal law, and moving jurisdiction of the crop from DEA to USDA.

Despite recent demands on House members from the Heritage Foundation to not move on any legislation, (which also includes the Farm Bill) the action will be in the Senate on Tuesday.  A unique opportunity for our Senators to lead the fight for the passage of this amendment – and stand with the 55% of their fellow Coloradans who so wisely legalized the crop six months ago.  

Senators Bennet and Udall, please take a proactive role on this potentially historic event.  Farmers, conservationists, the environment, our natural resources and the state economy will be the benefactors of your leadership.  

 

 


Full story: Senators Bennet and Udall: Make Farm Bill History

BREAKING: Sky Will NOT Fall When Magazine Bill Takes Effect

Late this afternoon, the office of Colorado Attorney General John Suthers released a long-awaited technical guidance letter prepared for the Department of Public Safety on the implementation of House Bill 1224, the magazine limit bill. This technical guidance was requested by Gov. John Hickenlooper at the signing of HB-1224 into law, following the many objections raised by opponents of the legislation that the bill would "ban all magazines," or at least all magazines "with a removable baseplate" or other design feature that could hypothetically allow them to be expanded beyond the legal maximum of 15 rounds.

As we have reassured our readers over and over, but unfortunately local media has failed to clarify for an anxious and misinformed public–even helping spread baseless speculation–that is not going to happen.

Definition of "Large Capacity Magazine"

Under House Bill 1224, the term "large capacity magazine" is defined, in part, as follows: "a fixed or detachable magazine, box, drum, feed strip, or similar device capable of accepting, or that is designed to be readily converted to accept, more than fifteen rounds of ammunition."

The phrase "designed to be readily converted to accept more than fifteen rounds of ammunition" has prompted questions regarding the scope of the definition, particularly because some ammunition magazines include features, such as removable baseplates, that can be removed and replaced, or otherwise altered, so that the magazine accepts more than fifteen rounds.

The term "designed," when used as a modifier, denotes a feature that meets a specific function. This suggests that design features that fulfill more than one function, and whose function is not specifically to increase the capacity of a magazine, do not fall under the definition. The features of a magazine must be judged objectively to determine whether they were "designed to be readily converted to accept more than fifteen rounds."

Under this reading of the definition, a magazine that accepts fifteen or fewer rounds is not a "large capacity magazine" simply because it includes a removable baseplate which may be replaced with one that allows the magazine to accept additional rounds. [Pols emphasis] On many magazines, that design feature is included specifically to permit cleaning and maintenance. Of course, a magazine whose baseplate is replaced with one that does, in fact, allow the magazine to accept more than fifteen rounds would be a "large capacity magazine" under House Bill 1224.

Here's the full text of the memo, which also explains the meaning of the "continuous possession" language in the bill–and again, the plain interpretation of the bill does not lead to the wild unforeseen consequences Republican opponents insisted would be the result. With both of these provisions but particularly the language on whether magazines were "designed to be readily converted," it is obvious now that opponents like Jon Caldara of the Independence Institute were not telling the truth when they claimed that House Bill 1224 would mean "almost all guns in Colorado will never be able to get a magazine again." It means that every reporter who uncritically reprinted this lie now needs to write another story explaining how that wasn't true.

And folks, we're not going to forget this. The amount of misinformation spread about this legislation by opponents, and too often subsidized by reporters dismayingly willing to trade long-term credibility for short-term scoops, was totally unacceptable and needs to be called out. A lowly political blog should not be the only media source telling the public the truth about this bill, but that really does seem to be what happened in this case.

The people of Colorado deserved better. And we hope they finally get it now.


Full story: BREAKING: Sky Will NOT Fall When Magazine Bill Takes Effect

Gov. Hickenlooper fails to fine company responsible for toxic Parachute spill

(Promoted by Colorado Pols)

Yesterday, Gov. Hickenlooper’s department of public health and environment (CDPHE) announced that they won’t levy fines against Williams Cos. for spilling 10,000 barrels of natural gas and toxic waste into Parachute Creek and the surrounding area in western Colorado.

Earlier this month, the Governor lobbied to water-down legislation to toughen fines for oil and gas companies who pollute, despite Colorado’s well-documented problem of spills, and lowest in the nation fines. The Governor’s actions ultimately led to the death of the legislation.

The Parachute spill, which occurred in the winter but wasn’t reported until the spring, has polluted water with cancer-causing benzene. In early May, benzene levels in the creek exceeded the federal safe drinking water standard. 

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Full story: Gov. Hickenlooper fails to fine company responsible for toxic Parachute spill

In Colorado, Women Got (Expletive) Done

This fascinating infographic from Emerge Colorado we were forwarded today makes the case:

Women Get it Done

When you look at the important bills from this session a large majority of them were sponsored by women.  These include:  the Colorado Asset Bill led by Sen. Angela Giron and Rep. Crisanta Duran, gun safety bills led by Rep. Rhonda Fields Rep. Beth McCann, and Senator Evie Hudak, comprehensive sex education led by Sen. Nancy Todd and Rep. Crisanta Duran, a bill to connect wrap around support services to early childhood education led by Rep. Millie Hamner and Sen. Mary Hodge, and a bill extending the job growth incentive tax credit championed by Rep. Dianne Primavera.

The charge to pass legislation was led by women legislators. Some of the bills they championed and succeeded in passing garnered the most fanfare and some passed with little attention, but all will make the lives of Coloradans better.  The Colorado legislature was hugely productive and passed 440 bills in 120 days compared to Congress only passing 148 bills during the entirety of 2012. Specifically, Colorado women helped make our communities safer, a contrast to the gridlock we see in Washington.

Colorado far exceeds Congress in the percentage of women who serve; Congress is composed of only 18% women compared to Colorado’s 41%.  According to the Center for American Women in Politics, women tend to run for different reasons than men and have different policy outcomes as a result. Women focus more on policy goals than on power and prestige.  Women favor a leadership style of collaboration and consensus building.  As a result, on average, women sponsor and co-sponsor more bills than men and are able to enlist more co-sponsors.   Regardless of party women are, on average, 31% more effective at advancing legislation and see continued success farther into the legislative process than men…

The high proportion of women in the Colorado General Assembly has been a point of pride for a number of years, although recent attrition among Republican women (see: Jean White, B.J. Nikkel) have made the trend more of a Democratic talking point. Likewise with this year's historically productive legislative session, full of policy goals sought by Democratic women that were generally opposed by Republicans irrespective of gender.

Our legislature did make Congress look pretty dysfunctional though, and your mother would agree as to why.


Full story: In Colorado, Women Got (Expletive) Done

Will Hickenlooper Sign Senate Bill 252?

It's one of the last remaining questions from this year's legislative session, reports FOX 31's Eli Stokols:

On Tuesday, Hickenlooper met with both Vestas, the world’s largest wind turbine manufacturer that has several facilities in Colorado and supports the measure, and with Tri-States Generation and Transmission, which provides electricity to 18 state energy co-ops and has been the bill’s most outspoken opponent.

After those meetings, Hickenlooper’s Chief Strategist Alan Salazar told FOX31 Denver that the governor is “still gathering information.”

…S.B. 252 would require rural co-ops with more than 100,000 meters, and utilities that generate and supply electricity on behalf of member co-ops, to get 20 percent of their electricity from renewable energy sources by 2020.

The Longmont Times-Call reports from last night's anti-252 rally in Johnson's Corner:

A rally at a windy parking lot behind the landmark Johnson's Corner Café and Truck Stop in Johnstown late Wednesday drew about 40 local residents and a half dozen lawmakers who fought against the bill.

Members of the General Assembly from Larimer and Weld counties, all of them on the short ends of votes that sent the measure to the governor's desk, took turns at a microphone on a flatbed trailer to fire up the small crowd, telling them their messages needed to reach the governor.

The Durango Herald's Joe Hanel:

The company that supplies coal-powered electricity to rural Colorado is waging a media campaign to try to convince Gov. John Hickenlooper to veto a renewable-energy bill.

It’s the biggest political advertising blitz since last fall’s election, and it included a full-page ad and half-page ad Sunday in The Durango Herald…

In one of the most controversial claims in the ads in the Herald, Tri-State says complying with the bill will cost billions of dollars.

“Senate Bill 252 would impose billions [Pols emphasis] in increased electricity costs on rural Colorado consumers and individuals,” the ad says.

What does this even mean?

What does this even mean?

Like so many other issues this legislative session, the rhetoric over Senate Bill 252 has escalated to an over-the-top fever pitch, to the point where opponents seem to be relying on arguments that aren't intended to persuade Gov. John Hickenlooper, or for that matter any rational person–it seems more to fire up the conservative base with even more hyperbolic nonsense stories of impending doom wrought by Democrats this year.

Some might interpret a shift to the irrational from opponents as evidence that Hickenlooper isn't buying it.

Gov. Hickenlooper has been widely criticized, even in the context of a session where liberal Democrats were made very happy, for his deliberate work to undo numerous oil and gas reform bills this year. Signing Senate Bill 252, what is in fact a moderate increase in the renewable mix for large rural co-op utilities, won't invalidate the criticism that Hickenlooper has richly earned on this issue–but it would give him something affirmative to point to in response to it. From a purely political perspective, it would seem rather pointless for Hickenlooper to bow to a minority of hysterical voices and veto SB-252. Critics of SB-252 aren't going to support Hickenlooper no matter what he decides, so there's no political gain from again poking environmental groups in the eye.

Many sources have told us that Hickenlooper has been personally stung by the criticism he has received from his positions on fracking. We think this is a chance he should, and probably will take to walk some of that back.


Full story: Will Hickenlooper Sign Senate Bill 252?

Gov. Hickenlooper’s ‘order’ to oil and gas commission to review fines an empty gesture

**crossposted at Checks and Balances Project

Recently, Gov. Hickenlooper put on a masterful show of playing a politician who cares about Coloradans. Unfortunately, it was just an act to distract from the fact that Gov. Hickenlooper successfully killed efforts to set mandatory minimum fines and increase caps on fines for oil and gas companies that pollute.  

After killing these measures, aimed at holding polluters accountable, Gov. Hickenlooper put out a press release ordering his oil and gas commission to ‘review enforcement, fines.’ In other words, he directed his commission to take a look into their abysmal record and get back to him. That’s not leadership, it was an empty gesture to cover his tracks.

Gov. Hickenlooper’s press release won't strengthen Colorado’s woefully outdated laws, which include the lowest fines in the nation for polluters.  And it’s doubtful that the governor’s oil and gas commission, which includes oil and gas industry employees, will suddenly become proficient at holding oil and gas polluters accountable. An analysis by the Denver Post found that Colorado rarely fines oil and gas companies who pollute. According to the Coloradoan, less than 7 percent of industry violations since 1996 have resulted in fines.

Last year, the industry reported 402 spills, of which 20 percent contaminated water. Six companies alone accounted for 85 percent of all the spills that contaminated groundwater – Anadarko, Noble Energy, Encana, PDC Energy, WPX Energy and Pioneer Natural Resources.

Not only are polluters not held accountable, but Gov. Hickenlooper has routinely rewarded some of the biggest oil and gas polluters in the state. In 2010 and 2011, Noble Energy caused more spills than any other operator in Colorado – 126.  Yet, Hickenlooper’s oil and gas commission gave Noble an ‘Outstanding Operator’ award.

Gov. Hickenlooper also gave Anadarko an ‘Outstanding Operator’ award in 2011, while last year, Anadarko subsidy Kerr-McGee was linked to 70 spills – more than any other operator – of which, 38 percent resulted in water contamination. With these awards, Gov. Hickenlooper has once again made it clear that he isn’t that interested in holding oil and gas companies accountable when they pollute.

Gov. Hickenlooper used the power of his office to kill stronger standards that would have held the oil and gas industry accountable when they pollute. He chose to put the interests of the industry ahead of what’s best for Colorado families and that’s a shame. Now, Gov. Hickenlooper is insulting Coloradans by acting as the concerned politician.

 


Full story: Gov. Hickenlooper’s ‘order’ to oil and gas commission to review fines an empty gesture

Lazy Lobbyist’s Cutting and Pasting Goes Awry

An example of the kind of mistake that well-paid legislative lobbyists should always avoid making, supplied in a veto request, dated this past Wednesday, that we were forwarded from the Colorado Municipal League to Gov. John Hickenlooper regarding the firefighter collective bargaining bill Senate Bill 13-025.

The CML's five-page letter recites the same boilerplate objections to this bill heard in testimony. Take note of the fact that Senate Bill 13-025 is an updated version of a similar firefighter collective bargaining bill from 2009, Senate Bill 09-180, which was vetoed by then-Gov. Bill Ritter. Proponents this year believe they have made enough changes to settle the objections Hickenlooper's office originally had to the bill.

Opponents, however, apparently haven't updated their talking points a bit.sb025vetoletter
On page 4 of the CML's veto request, dated May 8th of this year, the letter's "author" misses several references to 2009's Senate Bill 180. This means, of course, that the CML copied and pasted their 2009 veto request, then started "editing" to update it. We would assume, among other things, that the members of the CML are paying salaries in 2013 for 2013 work product, not a botched rehashing of four-year-old talking points. At least they remembered to change the Governor's name from "Ritter" to "Hickenlooper."

On the other hand, maybe the staff at CML work cheap.


Full story: Lazy Lobbyist’s Cutting and Pasting Goes Awry

Denver Post Not Fooled by Hick’s Late Fracking Move

The editorial board of the Denver Post weighs in today on the legislature's failure to pass a bill that would have increased fines for oil and gas rules violations:

The bill that would have rewritten the fine structure, however, died on the issue of minimum mandatory daily fines. Sponsors could not muster the votes for the idea, which faced substantial opposition from industry and Gov. John Hickenlooper.

So, instead of compromising and accepting a bill without the minimums, the whole measure died. That shouldn't have happened…

The governor's order that the Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission address the fine structure is really more political cover than substantive policy change. [Pols emphasis]

This may all seem like inside baseball, but it has broader implications and is illustrative of the forces at work in shaping oil and gas regulation in Colorado. There must be fewer all-or-nothing battles and more realism and cooperation when it comes to industry regulation.

Fox 31's Eli Stokols reported earlier in the week that Hickenlooper badly wanted to see this bill move forward — albeit after his office lobbied heavily to make sure it was watered down — so that he could try to get out from the growing pile of accusations that he is doing the bidding of the oil and gas industry. It's not good for the Governor when Democratic lawmakers are openly questioning Hickenlooper's interference on all things fracking. Here's Fox 31 from Wednesday:

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Full story: Denver Post Not Fooled by Hick’s Late Fracking Move

The 2013 Colorado Legislative Session In One Word

Will need Tylenol soon.

Nothing on the calendar.

The afterparties ran late into the night after adjournment sine die yesterday afternoon of the first regular session of the 69th Colorado General Assembly. Both sides agree that this was the most momentous legislative session in many years, reaching beyond the memory of just about everybody working in or around the state capitol today. That's where the agreement ends, of course, and the descriptive terms for this year's session diverge into polar opposites based pretty much entirely on party affiliation.

Your hosts now face the enormous task of recapping and summarizing this historic legislative session in the coming days. To kick things off gently on this sleepy Thursday morning, give us your one-word description of this year's legislative session in comments below.

We'll start with a word you can barely pronounce with a hangover: "determinative."


Full story: The 2013 Colorado Legislative Session In One Word

“Overreach” is Overwrought. Give it a Rest.

There are 65 members of the Colorado House of Representatives, and 35 members of the Colorado State Senate. The Colorado legislature as a whole is a representative body, with each Senator representing about 143,691 constituents, and each House member standing for 77,372 Coloradans.

The Colorado Constitution outlines the makeup and duties of the state legislature, but it is a guarantee in the United States Constitution that every state shall have a republican form of government (with representatives elected by the people), rather than a direct democracy governed by the citizens.

Even Dawson doesn't cry this much.

Even Dawson didn’t cry as much as Colorado Republicans in 2013

Why the brief history lesson? As the legislature closes out its 2013 session, Republicans and some political pundits are busy accusing Colorado Democrats of "overreaching" for passing a lot of progressive pieces of legislation, yet they seem to forget that this "republican form of government" is guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution. Members of the Colorado legislature are elected by popular vote, the purpose of which is to see that the majority of Colorado citizens are not overruled by the minority. It is a logical extension of the process that the minority may not be happy with the results of an elected body chosen by the majority.

To put it bluntly, that's kind of the point. The system is working as designed.

But don't tell that to Colorado Republicans. Take this recent press release from the Colorado House Republicans titled: "ICYMI: Democrats continue to run up the score."

The posting from the House GOP quotes liberally from an April 28th story in the Denver Post, though they notably failed to quote the sillier parts of the story about a "marathon legislative session":

Rep. Frank McNulty of Highlands Ranch raced to the microphone and, in a thundering voice, accused Democrats of "doing a touchdown dance at the expense of the minority." [Pols emphasis]

…Republicans have accused Democrats of "overreaching," waging war on rural Colorado and introducing bills to reward unions and trial lawyers while harming businesses.

Rep. Dan Pabon, D-Denver, disagrees.

"Overreaching? No," he said. "I think we've been listening to the people of Colorado and they've told us, 'We put you in charge and we want you to get something done.' "

Hey McNulty, ask Carly Simon if this is about you.

Hey McNulty, ask Carly Simon if this is about you.

Pabon is absolutely right here, and we've made the same argument before in this space. But before we get to that, let's examine how Republicans are so upset at the Democrats for continually beating them in elections that they think the 2013 legislative session is actually about them. To quote Carly Simon (no, seriously):

You're so vain, you probably think this song is about you

You're so vain, I'll bet you think this song is about you

Don't you? Don't You? Don't You?

There are many, many reasons why Republicans have never come close to regaining control of the state legislature since their surprise ouster in 2004, and their reaction to being steamrolled in 2013 is just another number on the list. Democrats are pushing ahead with progressive issues because Republicans don't do anything but get in the way. They don't offer reasonable amendments or attempt to debate in good faith — they just try to gum up the works and play procedural games. Anyone who has heard Republican Rep. Bob Gardner's version of a filibuster can understand what we mean here; Gardner just talks comically slow for as long as he can, his only goal to try to bore people into submission. Yet Republicans are annoyed when Democrats try to move things along and actually, you know, do their job?

Republicans call this "overreaching," and take it as a personal affront. But it's not about them, and it never was. It's about Democrats understanding that Colorado voters want them to lead; voters gave McNulty and the GOP a narrow majority in the House in 2010, and they promptly yanked it back from them two years later when it became clear that Republicans still have no intention of actually legislating.

Voters are tired of Republicans who can't figure out if they should still hate gay people. They're sick of Republicans who compare abortion to the Holocaust while everyone else is worried about schools and the economy. They're fed up with Republicans who persist with their ridiculous "Personhood" policy ideas that keep…getting…rejected…again…and again. "Personhood" isn't even about the issue anymore — it's a symbol of Republicans refusing to listen to even the most loudly shouted opinions of voters.

The simple truth of the 2013 session is this: Democrats were given a significant mandate from voters in 2012, and they are putting it to use. Some would say it is long overdue, and perhaps they learned their lesson from Congressional Democrats who did next to nothing with their 2008 mandate and then lost the House of Representatives in 2010. In fact, a closer look at the election results from the past decade tells a story that makes you wonder why Democrats waited so long to push harder on their agenda in the first place…

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Full story: “Overreach” is Overwrought. Give it a Rest.

Winners and Losers of the 2013 Legislative Session

(Here come the recaps – Promoted by Colorado Pols)

This year's session of the Colorado General Assembly was truly historic. After two years of divided control and stagnation in the legislature, a large backlog of high-priority, common-sense reforms awaited lawmakers in January. Working tirelessly in the face of right-wing obstruction, smear campaigns, and even threats of violence, the progressive majorities in the Colorado House and Senate passed historic legislation to create jobs and boost Colorado's economy, to preserve public safety, to make great strides toward equality for every Colorado family, and to give all children in Colorado the education they deserve.

As we bring to a close the most successful and productive legislative session anyone can remember in Colorado, here are some of the highlights–and the disgraces–that we'll be talking about for years to come. 

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Full story: Winners and Losers of the 2013 Legislative Session

Five things Gov. Hickenlooper did to put the oil & gas industry ahead of Colorado’s health and water

John-Hickenlooper(Promoted by Colorado Pols)

Crossposted at the Checks and Balances Project.

Governor Hickenlooper likes to paint himself as an outsider, unfamiliar with the political process. But his recent actions to undermine public health, water safety – and basic common sense – have proven that Gov. Hickenlooper has become the ultimate insider – adept at helping his billion dollar oil and gas industry boosters cheat the rules, while playing the role of concerned official.

While Governor Hickenlooper has said the he’ll increase fines and hold polluters accountable, behind closed doors he’s actually been working hard to kill or weaken legislation aimed at doing just that.

Case in point: Governor Hickenlooper announces both his campaign for Colorado to be the healthiest state and safe drinking water week, then days later he successfully killed legislation to help protect water from toxic oil and gas spills. Here’s are the five things Gov. Hickenlooper did to put the public health and water of Coloradans at risk and to make it easier for oil and gas companies to pollute. 

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Full story: Five things Gov. Hickenlooper did to put the oil & gas industry ahead of Colorado’s health and water

With no help from zoologists, tea party radio hosts identify Waller as “jellyfish”

(No doubt they meant it affectionately? – Promoted by Colorado Pols)

Tea Party radio hosts Ken Clark and Jason Worley agreed Friday that Colorado House Minority Leader Mark Waller is a "jellyfish."

As you can see below, Clark and Worley, who host KLZ's Grassroots Radio Colorado, identified Waller as a jellyfish without explaining the taxonomic features that led to their conclusion.

So it's an easy call for a media critic like me to suggest that they have a zoologist or two on air to substantiate their claim.

Here's their on-air conversation, which started with a discussion about the possibility that Rep. Brian DelGrosso or Rep. Libby Szabo might replace Waller.

JW: Here we go again, man! There’s a saying in football: If you have two quarterbacks, you have a problem because you have no quarterbacks. In the statehouse –

KC: Oh, god!

JW: It seems that we, on the Republican side, might be having two quarterbacks.

KC: You know, it’s interesting, because right now we’ve got a –

JW: Jellyfish.

KC: Well, yeah, I guess “jellyfish” is a good way to put it. The House minority leader is weak at best. He tried to pressure the Republican caucus to vote for the long bill, was horribly unsuccessful in doing that, because we actually have some Republicans in the House of Representatives in the state of Colorado who have principles. They stick to their principles. They are very, very strong. So, he didn’t do very good. But the whole idea behind that was — Oh, I don’t know, he wanted to run for Attorney General. And yes, Mark Waller, I’m speaking specifically of you. So he figured that if he cut a deal with Ferrandino, Ferrandino wouldn’t fight him on the AG run, and blah blah blah. Well, it looks like he is going to be stepping down. And so that means we have a leadership void that has been there for, what, a year now?

JW: [laughter] Well, at least for six months.

KC: Well, since the session started, anyway. So who knows what’s going to happen?


Full story: With no help from zoologists, tea party radio hosts identify Waller as “jellyfish”

Hick Spikes Wattenberg Water Testing Bill

 FOX 31's Eli Stokols:

It’s been known for weeks that House Bill 1316, which would require oil and gas companies in the Greater Wattenburg Area to abide by the same groundwater testing regimes as the rest of the state, didn’t have much of a chance to pass the Senate.

On Monday, the Senate killed the measure when three Democrats joined Republicans in voting it down.

Gov. John Hickenlooper, a Democrat, opposed the measure outright, arguing that the Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission had voted unanimously in favor of the new water testing rules last year, rules he’s since heralded as the strongest and best in the country.

Environmental groups, irked by Hickenlooper’s opposition to much of their oil and gas legislation, noted that if the rule was indeed as strong as the governor says it is, the Greater Wattenburg Area should have to abide by it as well…

The other side of this argument is that the higher density of wells in this area should make water testing a higher priority–or at least no excuse to relax water testing standards simply because there is more drilling in the area. It's one of those things that really only seems possible as a result of lobbyist-imposed groupthink. A common sense look at the question tends to produce the opposite conclusion as the COGCC did.

But this year, Hickenlooper is getting what he wants when it comes to oil and gas bills. Right now, Hickenlooper has the political power to stop his fellow Democrats on this issue, and he is not being shy about wielding it.

As we've said, the political risks of opposing legislation that could make oil and gas exploration safer are nonetheless quite significant for Hickenlooper. The very direct chain of responsibility for something like drinking water contamination, and a bill to close a loophole granting an area an exemption from the water testing standard that applies to the rest of the state, is not something we would want in our political closets.

In very real terms, serious political problems are now just one headline away for "Gov. Frackenlooper."


Full story: Hick Spikes Wattenberg Water Testing Bill

What Surprises Await Before Session’s End?

The first regular legislative session of the 69th Colorado General Assembly ends no later than midnight on Wednesday. Reporters and spin doctors are busily compiling their end-of-session wrapups–but as the Durango Herald's Joe Hanel reports, there's an awful lot left to resolve, and plenty of opportunities for a fresh blowout before sine die:

The clock is ticking on the final days of one of the most active legislative sessions in anyone’s memory.

For many exhausted lawmakers, it can’t end soon enough.

But a few others will need every last hour to pass their last bills – most notably marijuana regulation, tighter rules on gas- and-oil drillers, and new telecommunications regulations.

The Legislature has until just before midnight Wednesday to finish more than 90 bills that remained on its calendar Friday afternoon. But only a handful of those will consume most of the time and energy…

It's expected that the oil and gas regulation bills will result in the most fireworks over the next three days–the marijuana bills are expected to pass in order to head off a more laissez-faire implementation of Amendment 64 than would otherwise occur. And, of course, there remain vulnerabilities innumerable as so many "uncontroversial" bills await passage. This is why, despite so many major battles already decided in the most momentous legislative session in Colorado that anyone can remember, we can't quite impart the final spin on things just yet.


Full story: What Surprises Await Before Session’s End?