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(R) Jeff Hurd

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90%

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(D) Brittany Pettersen

85%↑

 

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(D) Yadira Caraveo

(R) Gabe Evans

(R) Janak Joshi

60%↑

35%↓

30%↑

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Welcome New and Returning Front Page Editors

We’ve just finished setting up the permissions for our newest front page guest editor, Voyageur, who begins his term of service today after winning last month’s election. Voyageur joins re-elected front page editor ProgressiveCowgirl, our longest serving guest editor who will mark an unprecedented two years of continuous service in June of 2013.

Just a reminder that later this month, Colorado Pols will make the transition to an all-new software platform and site design. We look forward to our editors taking advantage of the site’s significantly enhanced functionality once that process is complete.

In the meantime, write good content, and these are the smart folks we trust to promote it.

2012’s Top Story: The “Tipping Point,” Well and Truly

Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

As the New York Times’ poll guru Nate Silver explained just after the elections:

In the simulations we ran each day, we accounted for the range of possible outcomes in each state and then saw which states provided Mr. Obama with his easiest route to 270 electoral votes, the minimum winning number. The state that put Mr. Obama over the top to 270 electoral votes was the tipping-point state in that simulation.

Now that the actual returns are in, we don’t need the simulations or the forecast model. It turned out, in fact, that although the FiveThirtyEight model had a very strong night over all on Tuesday, it was wrong about the identity of the tipping-point state. Based on the polls, it appeared that Ohio was the state most likely to win Mr. Obama his 270th electoral vote. Instead, it was Colorado that provided him with his win – the same state that did so in 2008. [Pols emphasis]

So according to Silver’s initial analysis, Colorado, which the incumbent carried by just under five points, was the tipping-point state that gave President Barack Obama his Electoral College win. But there’s a little more to our state’s pivotal role we’d like our readers to consider.

As was the case going into the 2010 elections, pundits going into 2012 frequently cited Colorado as a state that, although President Obama won handily here in 2008, was very much “back in contention” due to a number of factors: Democratic and independent disillusionment with Obama’s first-term accomplishments, pent-up conservative angst after a rough recent history in this state for Republicans, and a healthy Mormon population to provide a natural base constituency for eventual GOP nominee (and always the institutional favorite) Mitt Romney.

Not only did Romney lose the GOP caucuses in Colorado to the laughably unelectable Rick Santorum, Romney’s entire campaign in Colorado came to symbolize what was wrong both with his campaign and the Republican Party in general today. Every lurch to the right from Romney to win “Tea Party” primary votes was carefully recorded and amplified by Democrats and their allies in Colorado, who never lost sight of Romney as their long-term target through the long GOP primary season. In addition, Romney’s campaign had a bizarrely, pre-emptively hostile relationship with the local press that we were never able to understand.

It’s difficult to enumerate just how many ways the Romney campaign made no sense in its misbegotten approach to winning the state of Colorado. This was especially clear from the earliest visits by the campaign to the state after securing the nomination. Instead of mounting a determined effort in the pivotal suburbs of Denver, Romney’s early campaign visits were to unpopulated places like Ft. Lupton, and remote Craig in the northwest corner of the state. Romney’s message was also hopelessly out of touch: in Craig, Romney’s claims that Obama was hurting the nearby coal industry were refuted by the city’s own mayor, who was happy to report that jobs and coal production were in fact on the rise.

When Romney announced his choice of Rep. Paul Ryan as his vice presidential running mate, Ryan was quickly dispatched to Colorado in the hope of improving the ticket’s showing in this state. But Ryan quickly backfired on the Romney campaign in Colorado after questions surfaced about the veracity of his claims to have climbed dozens of Colorado fourteeners opened a segue into much broader questions about his truthfulness. Ryan’s strident views on abortion were pounced on by Democrats and pro-choice advocates, driving home the Michael Bennet strategy.” Robust spending on Spanish language advertising not only wooed Spanish-speaking voters, but demonstrated the Obama campaign’s value for the Hispanic community as a whole.

Logistically as well as in the critical field campaign organization to turn out voters, Romney was never able to keep up with the Obama campaign’s massive and highly professionalized operation. Even though crowds overall were smaller this year than in 2008, Obama’s campaign events consistently drew larger and more enthusiastic audiences. The one major exception to this rule, Romney’s overflowing rally at iconic Red Rocks Amphitheatre, resulted in thousands upsettedly turned away due to wildly overbooking the venue–and hours of traffic jams as attendees and would-bes clogged nearby roads.

While Obama’s superbly-organized field campaign turned out Colorado voters, including a solid mail-in and early vote operation, Romney’s Colorado field effort on Election Day broke down as part of the nationwide ORCA fiasco, helping Democrats handily overcome a small GOP lead in the final early and mail-in ballot counts. In the end, the Democratic coordinated campaign worked seamlessly and effectively to get out the vote, up and down the ticket. As we saw in 2008 and fully keeping pace today, Democrats possess a level of campaign sophistication that has taken years to develop–and that Republicans are years away from equaling.

Certainly, the many scandals and gaffes that beset Romney on a national level had their effect in Colorado, and it’s also possible that Romney could have hypothetically won (or lost) in a few scenarios that didn’t include the state of Colorado’s nine electoral votes at all. But as it was, recently-blue Colorado was once again pivotal; and the failures on the ground, and in the earned media war unique to Colorado by Romney’s campaign, are a piece of the story of Republican losses in 2012 that both sides will study closely if they know what’s good for them.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #2: The Fall of Frank McNulty

Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

In 2010, riding the crest of a “Republican wave” in a midterm election trending against the party of President Barack Obama, Colorado Republicans took back control of the state House of Representatives for the first time since their historic loss of legislative control in 2004. Colorado Republicans still couldn’t match the success enjoyed by the GOP in federal races, retaking the state House chamber by a single seat in an extremely close suburban Denver House race ultimately decided by a margin of fewer than 200 votes.

Still, after solid Democratic control of both chambers for six years, and a Democrat in the Governor’s Mansion for four of those years, the GOP had finally regained a foothold on power.

Which they proceeded to squander in historic fashion, accomplishing nothing except further damage to the Republican brand, and leading directly to the Colorado House flipping right back to Democrats in November of this year.

The blame for this failure lies squarely with former Republican House Speaker Frank McNulty and his team of GOP House leadership. As Speaker, McNulty quickly established a reputation for Machiavellian game playing. Just as one example, at the end of the 2011 session, McNulty’s last-minute manipulation of normally-routine rules legislation to undo payday lending reforms passed by the previous Assembly turned into a front-page controversy, and a very public defeat for House Republicans–not to mention unpopular payday lenders.

It’s possible, however, that the beginning of the end for McNulty came during the work of the state legislative reapportionment commission. After the commission came together on a bipartisan-approved new map of Colorado’s state House and Senate districts, McNulty and Republican leadership ill-advisedly chose to appeal those maps to the Colorado Supreme Court. Though the maps were successfully remanded to the commission, Republicans had managed to totally alienate the independent chairman of the commission, Mario Carrera. The final maps faithfully met the tests the Supreme Court laid out–in ways that were worse for Republicans.

Following these setbacks, many Republican donors and activists were already running out of patience with McNulty as the 2012 session began. Recognizing important shifts in voter opinion on issues that had traditionally served as GOP wedges to turn out socially conservative voters, some Republicans began agitating for an end to resistance on matters like civil unions for gays and lesbians, and accessible tuition rates for undocumented students in the state.

McNulty ignored them. Even as members of his one-seat majority GOP caucus began to announce their support for civil unions legislation, McNulty gave only token and cryptic lip service to the idea of giving the bill a fair shot in his House. The ASSET legislation for undocumented students died, though with much wider coverage in the press–including Spanish language press–than in previous years.

On the final day of the 2012 legislative session where bills could be debated and still passed before sine die, McNulty was faced with a dilemma: there were enough votes, from Democrats and Republicans, to force civil unions to the floor for approval–where it would pass with several Republicans voting in favor. Rather than allow that to happen, McNulty used his authority as Speaker to shut down debate in the House–killing not just the civil unions bill, but dozens of other uncontroversial pieces of legislation. This action was almost universally condemned in the media, and resulted in a rare expenditure of political capital by an emotional Gov. John Hickenlooper to call a special session to reconsider civil unions. McNulty unceremoniously directed the reconsidered bill in special session to his “kill committee,” and that was that.

It’s likely that McNulty really didn’t think this would matter in the elections a few months later–wouldn’t matter, or might perhaps benefit Republicans by motivating socially conservative voters. But he couldn’t have been more wrong. In addition to the major shift in public polling from opposition to strong support for civil unions in the last few years, McNulty’s extraordinary actions to kill civil unions enraged wealthy Democratic supporters of marriage equality like philanthropist Tim Gill–not to mention the Republicans who had been calling for passage. It’s generally believed that the death of civil unions motivated Gill and others to strike back harder in key Colorado legislative races, with the goal of ending McNulty’s control of the Colorado House.

In the aftermath of the Democrats’ retaking of the House, McNulty did not even seek any GOP leadership position, although rumors he might resign his seat entirely did not come true. Democrats were aided in their efforts by what appears to be yet another round of low quality, under-vetted candidates for which McNulty also must bear responsibility. In 2010, candidate vetting proved a major problem for the GOP, and certainly contributed to them barely retaking control of the House. For candidates referred to by GOP leadership as “rising stars” this year to be exposed in the press for all kinds of trouble in their records–trouble that somebody should have known about–strongly points toward incompetence at the top.

In only two years, Frank McNulty’s mismanagement of the Colorado House played a big role in turning the closest Republicans have had to a comeback–after years of being humiliated in a state they used to own–into a fresh lesson on why they are losing here so consistently.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #3: Legalizing Marijuana in Colorado

Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

A multitude of factors, owing their existence to both liberal and conservative political philosophy as well as Colorado’s longstanding values of individual freedom and respect for privacy, led to our state taking what the Denver paper called a “brave, messy path” to legalizing the personal recreational possession, cultivation, and eventual commercial sale of marijuana in 2012.

Although the vote to pass Amendment 64 reflects a changing, more open-minded and liberal electorate in our state, it’s worth noting that the proponents of marijuana legalization in Colorado have traditionally been conservative-libertarians–such as attorney Robert Corry, long associated with the Independence Institute. On paper, championing marijuana legalization as a segue into recruitment of young voters to libertarian-right politics makes a lot of sense.

Unfortunately, most of the voters who are persuadable on this issue will not be attracted to what is generally perceived to be an intolerant Republican Party. The GOP itself was no proponent of marijuana legalization, either this year or in years past. Therefore the political benefit of the campaign to legalize marijuana principally went to Democrats, who won races across the state at the same time marijuana was legalized–even though elected Democrats in Colorado kept Amendment 64 at arm’s length almost as much as Republicans did.

If that wasn’t complicated enough, Amendment 64’s passage puts Colorado in conflict not just with a Democratic administration, but with the underlying philosophy of the primacy of federal law that Democrats take for granted in so many of their greatest victories: Brown vs. Board of Education. The Voting Rights Act. Even “Obamacare” itself.

At the same time, this isn’t about desegregating schools, or ensuring everyone has equal rights to vote, or even reforming health care via mandates on every consumer. In the last ten years in Colorado alone, over 100,000 people have been arrested for marijuana possession. There’s a compelling argument that the simple fact of such a mild narcotic like marijuana being illegal breeds contempt for other, necessary prohibitions of “harder” drugs, and undermines the law with each new generation. Although the fines for simple possession of small amounts of marijuana were quite low here in Colorado, convictions still can have major impacts on a person’s future career, and eligibility for assistance programs like federal student aid.

Bottom line: Coloradans considered in Amendment 64 the value of enforcement of the law regarding marijuana versus the harm caused by that enforcement, and decided it isn’t worth it anymore. A progressive, compassionate policy goal of harm reduction challenges federal primacy in a way that cannot be considered all that different from Southern states attempting to defy federal law on segregation–for reasons now condemned by history.

So put that in your pipe and smoke it. Our tendency is, as we have said repeatedly, to defend the will of the voters, and to not fear the distinction between this challenge of federal primacy and others in history–because that distinction justifies any superficial contradiction. This is a challenge from the states to federal law that, unlike segregation, is on the right side of history.

And that’s what made libertarians out of so many liberals this year in Colorado.

Biden, McConnell in Last-Minute Fiscal Cliff Negotiations

UPDATE: At least a bungee-jump off the so-called “fiscal cliff” now likely, CNN:

The feared fiscal cliff was at hand Monday night, with nothing expected to pass Congress before a combination of tax increases and spending cuts starts to kick in at midnight.

A deal to avert that combination, which economists warn could push the U.S. economy back into recession, was “within sight” on Monday afternoon, President Barack Obama said. And in the Senate, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell told members that they were “very, very close” to a deal, having worked out an agreement on taxes…

In the House, GOP sources said there’s little practical difference in settling the issue Monday night versus Tuesday. But if House Republicans approve the bill on Tuesday — when taxes have technically gone up — they can argue they’ve voted for a tax cut to bring rates back down, even after just a few hours, GOP sources said. That could bring some more Republicans on board, one source said.

—–

As the clocks ticks down to midnight, Politico reports:

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Vice President Joe Biden engaged in furious overnight negotiations to avert the fiscal cliff and made major progress toward a year-end tax deal, giving sudden hope to high-stakes talks that had been on the brink of collapse, according to sources familiar with the discussion.

McConnell and Biden, who served in the Senate together for 23 years, are closing in on an agreement that would hike tax rates for families who earn more than $450,000, and individuals who make more than $400,000, according to sources familiar with talks…

After loud Democratic protests on Sunday, Republicans agreed to take off the table a controversial provision that would have cut Social Security benefits. But more hurdles soon emerged, including over automatic spending cuts set to take place next year, and the rates for estate taxes that are set to balloon if no deal is reached by the new year.

The Hill:

[T]he talks hit a ditch on Saturday night when McConnell made a proposal that included switching the formula used to calculate Social Security benefit payments. Using the chained consumer price index, or “chained CPI,” would curb the growth of the program’s cost-of-living adjustments.


Democrats slammed it as a poison pill and warned there would be no last-minute deal to avoid tax hikes if Republicans insisted on entitlement reform, which Democrats had assumed was off the table at this late stage.

The dwindling scope of any potential deal with Republicans is the biggest reason why Democrats have refused to include the so-called “chained CPI” reductions in the future growth of Social Security benefits–a concession President Barack Obama himself had offered at an earlier stage of negotiations in hope of a much larger agreement. Mitch McConnell’s quick retreat on that proposal shows which side has more to lose from the failure to reach an agreement, and (finally!) seems to acknowledge the tremendous public opposition to cutting Social Security.

It’s not even known at this point if the deal that’s ultimately reached–if any–will include rescinding, or at least delaying, major cuts set to go into effect tomorrow to a multitude of domestic and military programs known as the “sequester”–cuts mandated by the 2011 Budget Control Act compromise on raising the debt ceiling. Also unknown is the status of extending unemployment compensation, the so-called “doc fix” for Medicare reimbursement, the estate tax, and many other issues up against deadlines. And of course, whatever they cobble together in the Senate must pass the House, which is, as you know, a more or less dysfunctional body.

We’ll update throughout the day as (and if) necessary.

What 5 bills would you introduce?

Ok, with session about to start, if you were in the House what 5 bills would you introduce? I’ll start it off with my 5:

  1. Civil Unions
  2. Call for a constitutional convention. That will work as well as any of the other convoluted suggestions. And it will be quicker.
  3. Effective campaign finance reform. Either public financing or unlimited with full disclosure. Including Congressional elections in the state.
  4. Create a legislative research group who’s job is to measure the effectiveness and ROI of legislation, departments, etc.
  5. Invest in local start-ups. More jobs, better jobs, and the state turns a profit. What’s not to like?

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #4: “Birther Mike” Coffman Wins, But…

Between now and New Year’s Eve, Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

One the one hand, Republican Rep. Mike Coffman deserves credit for having survived the toughest electoral challenge he has ever faced. Unfortunately, Coffman’s 2012 hard fought re-election effort revealed major weaknesses, unseen in prior contests, that are certain to negatively impact his prospects for higher office going forward.

That’s a nice way of saying that Coffman, despite keeping his seat in Congress, hurt his career very badly this year.

Never beloved by his own party, prior to 2012, Rep. Coffman was nonetheless widely considered to be a top Republican contender to take on Sen. Mark Udall in 2014–and had made little secret of future higher aspirations. After the redistricting process last year dramatically reshaped Coffman’s district from an ultra-safe Republican bastion into one of the more competitive and diverse districts in the nation, Coffman faced by far the greatest test yet of his electability.

Which he proceeded to fail miserably. Coffman showed unexpected political cluelessness early on by signing up as the Colorado chair of Texas Gov. Rick Perry’s laughably inept White House bid. Coffman unabashedly expressed his love for his predecessor Tom Tancredo on the campaign trail, in a district that would never elect Tancredo today. In May, video of Coffman emphatically telling Elbert County Republicans that President Barack Obama “is just not an American” sent Coffman into hiding–punctuated by a now-infamous video of Coffman, finally cornered by 9NEWS reporter Kyle Clark on camera outside a fundraiser, bizarrely repeating over and over again verbatim that he had “misspoke and apologized.”

That incident essentially put Coffman on the defensive for the rest of the campaign, forcing him to carefully manage public appearances, hiding behind heavy spending on well-produced, mostly positive ads. With internal polls continuing to show weakness, Coffman then went ruthlessly negative, tacitly and controversially linking his opponent to a child abduction in the news at the time. Coffman’s overmatched opponent, state Rep. Joe Miklosi, was never able to capitalize on the opportunity Coffman’s own actions and statements had created, but the race was still much closer than we would have predicted at the start of the year.

Coffman was hoping he could ride to an easy win in 2012, and proceed from there to a run for Senate against Udall in 2014. Now, despite his victory, it’s much less certain that he will be the GOP’s candidate against Udall. Moreover, in the new competitive CD-6, Coffman enters every election as a prime Democratic pickup opportunity. To an underreported but significant extent, Coffman’s political brand has been damaged in the long term by his 2012 campaign.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #5: Aurora and the Changing Politics of Guns

Between now and New Year’s Eve, Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

As a Western state with a frontier culture and independent values, Colorado’s natural tendency toward individual freedom has always meant a permissive attitude toward gun ownership.

At the same time, tragic events in our state have put us at the forefront of the national debate over gun policy–somewhat belatedly, after the issue caught up with us in the wake of recent tragedy both here and elsewhere. In 1999, the entire nation was shocked by a mass murder at Columbine High School in Littleton, at that time the worst school shootings in American history. In the aftermath of that tragedy, Coloradans passed Amendment 22, closing the “gun show loophole” by requiring background checks be carried out by private sellers at gun shows.

After that modest defeat, the state’s highly vocal gun lobby, led by an organization called the Rocky Mountain Gun Owners, who considers the National Rifle Association too soft, aggressively fought back–pressuring Colorado Republicans to reject even the most rudimentary tightening of gun laws in the harshest terms possible. The gun lobby won a victory earlier this year when the Colorado Supreme Court overturned a University of Colorado ban on carrying licensed concealed weapons on campus.

And then, early on the morning of July 20th of this year, a disturbed University of Colorado graduate student walked into a movie theater in Aurora, and took the lives of 12 innocent people using an assault rifle and a shotgun while injuring dozens more.

Immediately after the Aurora shootings, even most Colorado Democrats were unwilling to call for a plan to reduce gun violence–either spectacular tragedies of this kind, or the dozens of people killed every day by gun violence. Gov. John Hickenlooper adopted a very NRA-like deferential tone when he said after Aurora that those intent on violence are “going to find something,” meaning some kind of weapon even if they can’t get a gun.

From that time, mass shooting incidents have killed or seriously injured 46 more people, including the most recent massacre of 20 children at an elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut. These high-profile incidents have forced attention once again on the 34 people killed every day by gun violence, and seem to be fundamentally changing the nature of this debate. The resulting shift in the narrative was apparent in the contrast between Governor Hickenlooper’s statements in July, against his very different comments this month after Newtown–and his announced support for new measures to ease access to mental health services, and keep guns out of the hands of the mentally ill.

Echoed by polls showing broad support for common sense measures to reduce gun violence without infringing on the rights of law-abiding citizens, Colorado Democratic lawmakers are following Hickenlooper’s measured call to action with a number of proposals expected to be debated in 2013. As specific gun safety proposals shake out in Colorado’s General Assembly, it’s clear that the self-serving cycle of declaring it “too soon” after a tragedy to talk about reform, which too often resulted in no action ever being taken, has been broken. The gun lobby looks weaker than ever, and at least in Colorado, Democrats appear interested in a sensible balance that both improves public safety and preserves our values.

This can be fairly considered a major and politically unexpected development.

Cut Grandma Before Guns, Says Lamborn With Glee

A classic conflict illustrated in an otherwise genuflective interview of Rep. Doug Lamborn, last night on Colorado Springs’ KRDO-TV News as he shuffles back to Washington:

One thing that is unwavering about Lamborn though is his dedication to fiscal responsibility. When he looks at the economic situation ahead he sees a reduction in federal spending.

“I’m not interested in raising taxes,” said Lamborn, referring to President Barack Obama’s plan for avoiding major holes in the budget beginning in January. “Our country needs more than anything to cut spending and to live within our means.”

…Medicare is a good place to look for savings, according to Lamborn, because on it’s on the path to bankruptcy.

“In 12 years or so Medicare is going to go broke so we have to do something,” said Lamborn. “It can not continue as it is.”

One major area of concern for Lamborn is military spending.

“It’s true that Colorado Springs will be greatly impacted by cuts in defense spending but I’m most concerned about our national defense,” said Lamborn.

As the representative of Colorado’s biggest lavishly taxpayer-funded military installations, nonetheless representing a stridently “small government” conservative electorate, Lamborn is forced to serve two radically opposed masters–who simply don’t get the contradiction. Surely, as even Lamborn’s Republican colleague Rep. Mike Coffman has said, there is some room for savings in the Department of Defense’s $707 billion (and that’s before all the extras) budget?

We suppose it would be different if the polls didn’t overwhelmingly show opposition to Lamborn’s desired choice to cut Medicare (it’s true we haven’t seen a CD-5 breakout of that polling). But he vividly illustrates the hypocrisy of some government spending, in this case defense spending with its long and storied history of profligate waste, being sacrosanct–while other spending, in this case health care for old people, is “a good place to look for savings.”

We can’t tell you exactly how it gets rationalized down along the Ronald Reagan Highway, but for anyone not able to manage this feat of intellectual pirouette, it really doesn’t look good.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #6: The “Honey Badger’s” Very Bad Year

Between now and New Year’s Eve, Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

We and many others predicted in 2010 that Scott Gessler, a Republican election law attorney unexpectedly elected Colorado Secretary of State, would easily prove to be the most partisan and controversial chief elections officer in the state’s modern history. In the two years since, he has certainly lived up to that prediction.

What we didn’t predict is that Gessler would be so very, very bad at it.

The narrative of Gessler’s tenure as Colorado Secretary of State up to now is one of two tracks: spectacularly failed attempts at misusing his power for overtly partisan aims, and surprising brushes with relatively petty financial scandal that could actually prove to be the more immediate threat to his career and credibility.

Since taking office, Gessler has been a darling of conservative activists around the nation who are convinced, among other things, that improperly registered noncitizen voters are committing large-scale election fraud. Gessler has repeatedly thrown out dubious claims of “thousands” of noncitizen voters on the rolls in Colorado without supporting evidence. This fall, Gessler sent letters requesting verification of citizenship to some 4,000 registered voters (less than half the 11,000+ figure Gessler had touted the previous year), and of those 4,000 inquiries, Westword’s Sam Levin reports they have ultimately resulted in the cancelation of 88 voter registrations–and it’s not known how many of them had actually voted. Based on previous results, a very small fraction of those 88 at most.

Bottom line: Gessler has perhaps done more to disprove the myth of widespread election fraud from “noncitizen voters” than his liberal opponents. The pitiful results of Gessler’s two-year effort to root out what is a tiny number of problem registrations, while so many other unresolved issues with our elections surely have resulted in the loss of many more than 88 votes, is a stunning self-administered rebuke to the conspiracist right wing. It’s even worse if you consider Gessler’s fixation on this while actively obstructing legislative attempts to sensibly resolve the “inactive voter” controversy from 2011, which involved so many more people.

Combined with all the other questionable incidents in Gessler’s two years in office, from hosting a fundraiser to pay off fines levied by his office on fellow Republicans to his now-infamous remark that a “good election” is when “Republicans win,” and what you have is a man fundamentally making a mockery of a solemn responsibility–and not even doing that very well. It’s so poorly executed, and so obviously improper, that it’s really quite tawdry.

“Tawdry” also sums up the other emerging narrative of Gessler’s time as Secretary of State. Gessler’s very first controversy after taking office in 2011 was his announcement that he intended to keep working part time at his old elections law firm–a decision brought about, according to Gessler, by the hardship of living on the Secretary of State’s salary of $70,000 a year. While we and others are not unsympathetic regarding the low salaries paid some of our highest public officials in Colorado, Gessler’s proposed solution was a conflict-of-interest disaster waiting to happen. After a public outcry, Gessler announced he had changed his mind.

As it turns out, Gessler discovered other ways to beat the high cost of living! Questionable reimbursements for travel expenses to partisan events, including a “True the Vote” press conference in Washington D.C. and events surrounding and including the Republican National Convention in Tampa this year, are now the subject of both an ethics commission inquiry and a Denver DA criminal investigation. Another instance of Gessler “sweeping” the entire balance of his discretionary account into his pocket at the end of the fiscal year has raised more questions.

Republican friends tell us that Gessler is exceptionally intelligent, so most of what he does has presumably been thought through. What we can’t understand is the ultimate goal for him. He apparently doesn’t think he can really rise to a high post as an elected official, because if he did, he wouldn’t do things like empty the petty cash account. The easy-to-see political damage is tremendously more harmful than the trade off of a small amount of money, and he must know that. Gessler takes heat for his behavior over and over, but he doesn’t seem to care–which makes him dangerous for every other Republican.

So many controversies in only two years have led to calls for Gessler’s recall (a highly improbable prospect under Colorado’s stiff recall petition requirements)–and more recently, changing the office of Secretary of State into some kind of nonpartisan position. Certainly Democrats will mount an aggressive bid for the office in 2014, and many insiders expect Gessler won’t run again for the job–perhaps opting instead for a sacrificial lamb campaign against Gov. John Hickenlooper, followed by a return to much more profitable private practice.

But it’s been a wild ride, made less of a shock only by his repeated failures.

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