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(D) Yadira Caraveo

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HD-24’s Lesson: It’s Not About You

We want to take just a moment to revisit a story from last week's Colorado Statesman, wherein lies a moral: House District 24 Democratic candidate and Edgewater City Councilman Kristian Teegardin is not concerned that a past criminal history for attempting to pass a bad check will hurt him in a divisive primary against Wheat […]

Danielson, Teegardin Battle Over Endorsements in HD-24

Back in January, Democratic Rep. Sue Schafer made a surprising announcement that she would not be running for re-election for a final term in HD-24. Two Democrats quickly jumped into the race to succeed Schaffer in a district that has historically been decided in a Democratic primary, and heading into Tuesday's caucuses, both candidates are […]

An interview with Michael Booth, who just left The Denver Post after a 24-year run

(Promoted by Colorado Pols) Reporter Michael Booth left The Denver Post this month after a 24-year run at the newspaper, starting in 1989 as a maternity fill-in for reporter Ann Schrader. He did many things there, covering the Senate race in 2010, the 2008 Democratic Convention, Denver City Hall, films, and much more. Most recently, […]

Jessie Danielson Announces in HD-24

What we first noted last week is now official: Jessie Danielson has announced her candidacy in HD-24 (Wheat Ridge) for what will be an open seat with the retirement of Rep. Sue Schafer. Danielson, the Colorado State Director of America Votes, gets a quote from her boss at America Votes in her press release (full […]

Surprise! Mike Coffman’s Promise Worthless 24 Hours Later

UPDATE: So, um, yes folks, we are talking about the same Denver Post that published this editorial today: It's not easy in this era of hyperpartisanship in Washington, D.C., for federal lawmakers to reverse course on divisive issues. But Rep. Mike Coffman, R-Aurora, did just that when he said Tuesday he supports a "clean" spending […]

Gun control debate at DU January 24th – we have video!

The Institute for Public Policy Studies at the University of Denver has posted a video of their January 24th Counterpoints Gun Control debate on its website.  The four-member panel – two pro-regulation and two anti-regulation – was moderated by Governor Richard Lamm.  The event was about 1 1/2 hours long, and included many "gems" and […]

Does the Colorado Legislature Suppress Public Information for Political Purposes?

Last week, the Colorado General Assembly added 31 brand-new lawmakers, Democrats and Republicans, to the legislative roster. Unquestionably, these new state legislators should have unfettered access to information published by the General Assembly relating to the major issues it faces. Moreover, as citizens of Colorado we should have confidence that information produced by the General Assembly will never be censored, or suppressed for political purposes. The Legislature includes members and represents Coloradans of all political persuasions. As you shall see, my confidence in the impartiality of the Colorado General Assembly as an organization has suffered lately.

Some background. In 2010, the Colorado Legislature adopted a bill to reform the largest public pension in the state, Colorado PERA. The bill that put these reforms into law was Senate Bill 10-001. This particular piece of legislation is among the most controversial measures enacted by the Colorado General Assembly in its history, and is currently the subject of litigation. Enactment of the bill resulted in an immediate lawsuit by Colorado PERA retirees against the State of Colorado and the pension administrator Colorado PERA for breach of contract.

Subsequent to the enactment of SB 10-001, staff attorneys at the General Assembly published a memorandum explaining the legislation and providing important background information relating to Colorado PERA’s financial condition. This 2010 memorandum provides a comprehensive overview of the bill, SB 10-001, and places the funded ratio of the Colorado PERA trust funds in an historical perspective. The memorandum presents funded ratio statistics (provided by Colorado PERA) for the 40-year period previous to the breach of PERA pension contracts in 2010. (At the end of this article I will elaborate on the importance of seeing PERA’s financial condition from an historical perspective.)

Since 2010, Colorado PERA retirees have relied on this memorandum to explain the impact of the measure, SB 10-001, on their contracted retirement benefits. Until recently, this document was readily available on the website of the Colorado General Assembly. Now, it can be located only through a Google search. Rather than being suppressed, this memorandum should be carefully studied by all new members of the Legislature. Thirty-one new members of the Legislature will remain ignorant of one of the most pressing matters facing the State of Colorado due to the suppression of this critical information.

Why is the censorship of this information alarming to Colorado PERA retirees? It is important because many PERA retirees consider this 2010 memorandum a “smoking gun” document. The memorandum reveals that, at the time of the Colorado General Assembly’s breach of contract in SB 10-001, the actuarial funded ratio of the Colorado PERA trust funds was a mere 8 percent lower than the average PERA funded ratio over the prior 40-year period . . . certainly not a “crisis.”

The memo demonstrates that no “actuarial emergency” existed that would justify the state’s breach of PERA public pension contracts in 2010. Further, the memorandum is important since it is the only easily available source of this critical information. The memorandum assists PERA retirees in making their case that the Legislature’s breach of public pension contracts in 2010 was not actuarially or legally necessary.

Has this 2010 Colorado Legislative Counsel memorandum “Colorado PERA 2010 Reform Legislation and Historical Funded Status” been buried by the Colorado Legislature due to its relevance to the PERA retiree lawsuit? or for political purposes? The fact that ready access to a memorandum addressing some of the most controversial legislation ever adopted by the General Assembly has been eliminated (to the legal advantage of the State of Colorado) really does not pass the “smell test.”

What are the policies of the Colorado General Assembly relating to suppression of its own publications? What are its policies relating to the suppression of information published by the Colorado Legislative Branch after this information has entered the public domain? Did a state legislator, the attorney who wrote the memorandum, or perhaps a state administrator order suppression of the document? Is such activity acceptable in Colorado?

The following page (see link) on the General Assembly’s website purports to provide the Legislature’s publications relating to the pension administrator Colorado PERA, and yet the memorandum addressing the most important PERA legislation adopted by the Legislature since the creation of Colorado PERA 81 years ago, SB 10-001, is inexplicably missing. The one source from which Colorado PERA members, retirees and employers can see Colorado PERA’s funded ratio in an historical perspective in nowhere to be found. The single legislative publication that comprehensively reviews one of the most significant and controversial acts of the Colorado General Assembly in decades has disappeared.

From the General Assembly’s website:

“This page provides information regarding the general organization and operations of state government, capital construction, and the Public Employees’ Retirement Association (PERA).”

Link:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

Take a look at this page. The memorandum has vanished.

The 2010 PERA memorandum is not to be found in any location on the website of the Colorado General Assembly. The website’s search function is of no assistance in locating the document.

In my opinion, some person wishes to deny ready access to this information to members of the Colorado Legislature, PERA members, retirees and employers.

Also, particularly damning is the fact that the comprehensive 2010 memorandum addressing SB 10-001 has apparently been replaced by a “scrubbed” PERA memorandum in which the information regarding Colorado PERA’s historical funded ratio has been deleted. The “scrubbed” document is available on the website of the Colorado General Assembly here:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

I will now explain in greater detail why the missing 2010 PERA memorandum is important to Colorado PERA retirees. Page 3 of the 2010 memorandum includes a graph which plots Colorado PERA’s “actuarial funded ratio” (AFR) over the last 40 years. At the end of 2008, the combined AFR of the PERA trust funds stood at 69.8 percent. Since the defendants in the case Justus v. State (Colorado PERA and the State of Colorado) argue that their breach of public pension contracts was “actuarially necessary,” it is critical that Colorado courts see the PERA trust fund’s 2008 AFR of 69.8% in an historical perspective. During the 40-year period, 1970 to 2009, the PERA “actuarial funded ratio” ranged from a low of 54.5 percent in 1973 to a high of 105.2 percent in 2000. The average actuarial funded ratio over this 40-year period is 78 percent. The 2010 PERA memorandum reveals that, at the end of 2008, the PERA actuarial funded ratio of 69.8% was mere 8.2% lower than the average PERA actuarial funded ratio over the 40-year period. At the end of 2008, PERA’s actuarial funded ratio of 69.8 percent was 10.2 percent below an 80 percent actuarial funded ratio, considered “well-funded” by the firm Fitch Ratings, and 0.2 percent below the level considered “adequately funded” by Fitch Ratings. In a 2011 Fitch Ratings report, Fitch notes that a 70% actuarial funded ratio for public defined benefit pensions is considered an “adequate” actuarial funded ratio.

Here’s a link to the report:

http://www.ncpers.org/Files/20…

Essentially, the Colorado General Assembly is seeking to breach its contractual public pension obligations at a point in time when its pension administrator, Colorado PERA, was adequately funded according to Fitch Ratings. Further, during an eleven-year span, from 1970 to 1981, Colorado PERA’s actuarial funded ratio was actually lower than it was at the end of 2008, and yet there was no PERA campaign during those eleven years to take vested, earned, accrued, contracted PERA retiree pension benefits. At the time of the breach of retiree pension contracts in SB 10-001, the difference between the Colorado PERA actuarial funded ratio and Wilshire Associates average actuarial funded ratio for 57 state retirement systems was 3.1 percent. Should pension contracts for all of these 57 public pension plans be breached at this funded level? According to Colorado PERA and many state legislators, the answer appears to be “yes.”

Is it not curious that a legislative document, public information, that bolsters an argument contrary to the financial interests of the State of Colorado has conveniently disappeared from the website of the Colorado General Assembly? Is it simply happenstance that ready public access to information on the General Assembly’s website of critical importance to the plaintiffs, Colorado PERA retirees, has been eliminated? This possibility strains credulity.

In 2010, SB 10-001 did not pass out of the Legislature unanimously. Many members of the Colorado General Assembly believed that this legislation breached fully-vested PERA retiree pension contracts. State legislators who oppose SB 10-001 should not be denied access to legislative publications relating to the bill simply because it may serve the purposes of a few members of the Legislature.

http://www.coloradoforethics.o…

http://www.colorado.gov/ethics…

The Colorado Independent Ethics Commission “has jurisdiction over all State executive and legislative branch elected officials and employees, and local officials and employees . . .”.

Although the 2010 Colorado PERA SB 10-001 memorandum has apparently been removed from the website of the Colorado General Assembly it can still (fortunately) be located via a Google search (for how long?) See this link:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

You Only Get Five Bills, So Why Not Waste Them?

Among the many pieces of legislation introduced in the Colorado General Assembly this week, highlighted by economic development and middle-class tax relief measures in the Democratic controlled House and Senate respectively, are a few real, shall we say, hum-dingers. Here’s a brief tour, with more sure to follow–post good ones you find in this space.

Guns: In addition to the “More Guns In Schools Act” we discussed yesterday from conservative Senate firebrands Scott Renfroe and Ted Harvey, GOP freshman Rep. Justin Everett is carrying this year’s version of the perennial “Make My Day Better” bill, with Sen. Kevin Grantham as the Senate sponsor. If you pay attention to its yearly introduction, debate, and death, you already know it’s opposed by more or less everybody in a public safety role.

God: Headed directly for the House State Affairs Committee, a.k.a. the “kill committee,” is Rep. Kevin Priola’s House Bill 13-1066, “Concerning the preservation of a person’s exercise of religion.” A state flavor of the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, the bill (interestingly for the normally tort-hating Rep. Priola) allows for monetary damages to plaintiffs if a “substantial burden” to a person’s exercise of religion is proven. This legislation is considered by opponents as providing an affirmative defense for various kinds of discrimination.

Bedrooms: In addition to Rep. Janak “Dr. Nick” Joshi’s warmed-over “fetal homicide” bill, House Bill 13-1032, newly-elected Rep. Steven Humphrey introduced House Bill 13-1033–a no-apologies ban on abortions, with no exceptions of any kind for victims of rape or incest.

The bill prohibits abortion and makes any violation a class 3 felony. The following are exceptions to the prohibition:

A licensed physician performs a medical procedure designed or intended to prevent the death of a pregnant mother, if the physician makes reasonable medical efforts under the circumstances to preserve both the life of the mother and the life of her unborn child in a manner consistent with conventional medical practice;

A licensed physician provides medical treatment to the mother that results in the accidental or unintentional injury or death to the unborn child.

Teachers and public employees: Republican morale-building measures for public employees include Rep. Kevin Priola’s House Bill 13-1040 to slash public employee retirement benefits, and freshman Sen. Vicki Marble’s Senate Bill 13-017 to bust teacher’s unions. Meanwhile, the honor of carrying this year’s right-to-work (known to opponents as “work for less”) bill falls to freshman Sen. Owen Hill, who brings us Senate Bill 13-024. Sen. Hill could have made more edits to the conservative American Legislative Exchange Council’s (ALEC) sample “Right to Work” bill–which Sen. Hill’s legislation is rather obviously cribbed from. But we guess he was busy.

These are just a few bills that caught our eye as they were introduced–no doubt there are more. Again, we have little doubt that every bill you see above will die in an Assembly now fully controlled by Democrats. In terms of individual legislators, particularly those representing safe red districts, these kinds of bills probably don’t hurt the reputations of their sponsors.

As for the brand of the party they all belong to…that’s really the problem here, isn’t it?

Where’s the truth behind the nice-sounding gobbledygook about tuition rates for undocumented kids?

Reporters should be on the lookout for Republicans who try to make themselves sound like they support reducing college tuition rates for undocumented college students, but when it comes to specifics, they actually say nothing but gobbledygook.

Here’s an example of what not to do, from Rocky Mountain Community Radio reporter Bente Birkeland’s Dec. 31 interview with Colorado Senate Minority Leader Bill Cadman about the upcoming legislative session:

Birkeland: One of the contentious bills that will be coming back is a bill that offers this lower tuition rate to students who graduate from Colorado high schools. In the past, the GOP in both chambers has not supported that measure. Do you see any movement on the issue?

Cadman: Sure. I think what we’re looking for is tuition equity [editor’s note: gobbledygook]. We’re looking for a solid formula that allows people affordable access to quality higher ed [editor’s note: gobbledygook]. What we need to do systemically is put something forward that shows an equitable access for everybody, not based on some specific criteria [editor’s note: gobbledygook].

Three things could be going on here, in light of the presence of the gobbledygook.

One, Cadman and fellow Republicans have opposed reduced tuition rates for so long that they can’t bring themselves to say they’ll support lowering the rates this year. They can’t get the words out of their mouths. (See Rep. Libby Szabo, “I don’t comment on anything I have not seen,” and CU Prez Bruce Benson, “I’m not going to tell you exactly how I feel.”)

Or more likely, Cadman still opposes helping undocumented students, but he doesn’t want to say it as directly as he used to (See below.), for fear of driving even more Hispanics away from the GOP, as seen in the last election. And he doesn’t think his indecision will further poison the Republican brand among Hispanics-because he doesn’t think reporters will call him out on it.

Or Cadman doesn’t know what to say.

Or maybe a combination?

In any case, Birkeland should have asked him, specifically, if he’d vote for the reduced-tuition bill, if it came up in exactly the same form as last year.

Would he even consider voting “yes” this time, when he opposed the measure just nine months ago, telling the Colorado Statesman’s Peter Marcus in April:

Cadman: “You’re providing a benefit to someone who doesn’t legally deserve it.” (All Republican state Senators voted against the bill last year. Also, no public funds would be provided.)

As it was, Birkeland let Cadman sound like he stands behind not only undocumented students but every single college student in the state of Colorado. That’s great, but what is he prepared to do about it? And, again, what about those pesky undocumented high-school graduates who grew up with our own kids? Should colleges have the option of offering them in-state tuition rates?

Social issues still seen on talk radio as GOP savior

I love it when the conservative echo chamber validates itself with references to unnamed Democrats who amplify the sounds coming from the mouths of talk-radio hosts.

In the case below, we have KVOR host Jeff Crank, who doubles as Colorado State Director of the conservative Americans for Prosperity, bouncing ideas off  of Tony Sanchez (And I do mean bouncing, because the ideas bounce back in the exact same form that they were launched.). Sanchez is on the board of the Colorado Hispanic Republicans.

Sanchez conjured up Ken Buck and told Crank that “already” Hispanics are having “buyers’ remorse” over their overwhelming vote for Obama.

Crank and Sanchez touched briefly on number of things Dec. 15, without getting into specific legislation of course, but they dwelled on one point that comes up a lot on talk radio: The unproven assertion that Republicans can win over Hispanics on social issues.

CRANK:  Well, and a great example of that is on the social issues, you know?  I think that the Hispanic community naturally would align with conservative values, of family values, —

SANCHEZ:  Oh, they do!

CRANK:  –on marriage, on pro-life issues, and those sorts of things.  But the conservatives allow the Left to define them on that issue-

SANCHEZ:  Yes!  Yes.

CRANK:  — so they didn’t vote with us on those issues.

SANCHEZ:  I just spoke to a Democrat, an Hispanic.  And he said that, “I was glad they didn’t focus so much on those issues.  We would have lost at least four percentage points had that happened.”  And the other thing that I would also add is to keep it simple.  There’s a lot of times that we have a lot of facts,– and on the conservative side, yeah, it makes a whole lot of sense, but keep the message simple.  And make it real clear.

Setting aside the small problem of the devastating backlash among women voters if the GOP decided to focus openly (instead of behind closed doors) on social issues, there’s no reason to accept the echo-chamber idea that Hispanics would vote Republican anyway, if GOP candidates starting talking more about gay marriage and abortion.

The majority of Latinos actually favor gay marriage. Mexico City and some Latin American countries have legalized it.

And, really, how many Hispanics are going to swing to a GOP candidate who aims to ban abortion even for a raped woman? Evangelical Hispanics, yes, who make up about 15% of Latino voters and align with the GOP anyway. Seven of ten Catholic Hispanics align with the Democratic Party.

And it’s not as if Democrats are pro-abortion. Most are pro-choice, which reflects an understanding, shared by Hispanics, even if they self-define as anti-choice, of real-world complexities as well as the struggles of poverty. I mean, one of the major reasons Hispanics turned against Romney, according to Project New America’s David Winkler, was because he was so unsympathetic to the poor.

I could be wrong, but it’s hard to see a significant number of Hispanics peel off from Democrats if the GOP pushed its abortion position even harder. And, again, at what cost to the GOP in terms of other voters, like women, young people, and the four reasonable Republican middle-aged white men out there?

So Sanchez and Crank, a former GOP congressional candidate, who defines himself as “a strong voice for social and fiscal conservative issues in Colorado,” should look elsewhere, other than social issues, to prove Ronald Reagan’s opinion, which still sits atop the website of Sanchez’s Colorado Hispanic Republicans, that “Latinos are Republicans. They just don’t know it yet.”

As long as the talk-radio sounds keep reverberating, unchallenged, Hispanics will never know they’re Republicans. Why would they?

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