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2013: Ground Zero for Fracking

(Crossposted at Huffington Post)

This November, against all odds, the town of Longmont, Colorado, passed the first Fracking ban in Colorado. This ballot initiative was necessary because when the city council passed a ban in the summer, ‘Democratic’ Governor Hickenlooper threatened to sue the city to overturn it. Hickenlooper has sided with the Oil and Gas industry on every occasion, even cutting a commercial for the Industry which stated there were ‘no instances of contamination’ from Fracking.

Then, the Governor signed an Executive Order creating an Industry friendly task force that takes away the rights of local communities to regulate fracking.  

Undeterred, the people of Longmont turned to the Ballot Box and put the question to the Longmont voters.  Against enormous political pressure, the people of Longmont won, and now the industry-funded Colorado Oil and Gas Association (COGA) is suing the city over the voter-approved ban.

This is ground zero because this fight pits establishment politicians, even Democrats, aligned with the Oil and Gas industry, against the people who live in the communities who are endangered by fracking. If the Colorado Oil and Gas Industry wins their lawsuit it will most like be appealed to Federal court or even to the Supreme Court.  How will our President side on this issue?

In support of the citizens of Longmont and to inform and encourage other communities in Colorado, the grassroots group Be the Change held a rally and performance

event in Boulder on December 2nd.  Environmental Activists rallied in Colorado in solidarity with the City of Longmont.

Present was Bill McKibben of 350.org, Josh Fox of ‘Gasland’, Wes Wilson – Wes Wilson, former environmental engineer with the EPA, Phil Doe of Be the Change (CO), and

Michael Belmont of the Longmont activists who helped pass the ballot measure.

There were activist groups like Mothers for Sustainability and the Sierra Club.

Musical performances included Josh Fox, Laura Goldhammer, Earth Guardians, Elephant Revival, Pressure Point and Kunundrum.

Listen to the speakers and the bands lead the charge for support for the citizens of Longmont, and everyone opposed to fracking in this video here, with quotes from the speakers below.

Josh Fox of Gasland

                                       

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #2: The Fall of Frank McNulty

Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

In 2010, riding the crest of a “Republican wave” in a midterm election trending against the party of President Barack Obama, Colorado Republicans took back control of the state House of Representatives for the first time since their historic loss of legislative control in 2004. Colorado Republicans still couldn’t match the success enjoyed by the GOP in federal races, retaking the state House chamber by a single seat in an extremely close suburban Denver House race ultimately decided by a margin of fewer than 200 votes.

Still, after solid Democratic control of both chambers for six years, and a Democrat in the Governor’s Mansion for four of those years, the GOP had finally regained a foothold on power.

Which they proceeded to squander in historic fashion, accomplishing nothing except further damage to the Republican brand, and leading directly to the Colorado House flipping right back to Democrats in November of this year.

The blame for this failure lies squarely with former Republican House Speaker Frank McNulty and his team of GOP House leadership. As Speaker, McNulty quickly established a reputation for Machiavellian game playing. Just as one example, at the end of the 2011 session, McNulty’s last-minute manipulation of normally-routine rules legislation to undo payday lending reforms passed by the previous Assembly turned into a front-page controversy, and a very public defeat for House Republicans–not to mention unpopular payday lenders.

It’s possible, however, that the beginning of the end for McNulty came during the work of the state legislative reapportionment commission. After the commission came together on a bipartisan-approved new map of Colorado’s state House and Senate districts, McNulty and Republican leadership ill-advisedly chose to appeal those maps to the Colorado Supreme Court. Though the maps were successfully remanded to the commission, Republicans had managed to totally alienate the independent chairman of the commission, Mario Carrera. The final maps faithfully met the tests the Supreme Court laid out–in ways that were worse for Republicans.

Following these setbacks, many Republican donors and activists were already running out of patience with McNulty as the 2012 session began. Recognizing important shifts in voter opinion on issues that had traditionally served as GOP wedges to turn out socially conservative voters, some Republicans began agitating for an end to resistance on matters like civil unions for gays and lesbians, and accessible tuition rates for undocumented students in the state.

McNulty ignored them. Even as members of his one-seat majority GOP caucus began to announce their support for civil unions legislation, McNulty gave only token and cryptic lip service to the idea of giving the bill a fair shot in his House. The ASSET legislation for undocumented students died, though with much wider coverage in the press–including Spanish language press–than in previous years.

On the final day of the 2012 legislative session where bills could be debated and still passed before sine die, McNulty was faced with a dilemma: there were enough votes, from Democrats and Republicans, to force civil unions to the floor for approval–where it would pass with several Republicans voting in favor. Rather than allow that to happen, McNulty used his authority as Speaker to shut down debate in the House–killing not just the civil unions bill, but dozens of other uncontroversial pieces of legislation. This action was almost universally condemned in the media, and resulted in a rare expenditure of political capital by an emotional Gov. John Hickenlooper to call a special session to reconsider civil unions. McNulty unceremoniously directed the reconsidered bill in special session to his “kill committee,” and that was that.

It’s likely that McNulty really didn’t think this would matter in the elections a few months later–wouldn’t matter, or might perhaps benefit Republicans by motivating socially conservative voters. But he couldn’t have been more wrong. In addition to the major shift in public polling from opposition to strong support for civil unions in the last few years, McNulty’s extraordinary actions to kill civil unions enraged wealthy Democratic supporters of marriage equality like philanthropist Tim Gill–not to mention the Republicans who had been calling for passage. It’s generally believed that the death of civil unions motivated Gill and others to strike back harder in key Colorado legislative races, with the goal of ending McNulty’s control of the Colorado House.

In the aftermath of the Democrats’ retaking of the House, McNulty did not even seek any GOP leadership position, although rumors he might resign his seat entirely did not come true. Democrats were aided in their efforts by what appears to be yet another round of low quality, under-vetted candidates for which McNulty also must bear responsibility. In 2010, candidate vetting proved a major problem for the GOP, and certainly contributed to them barely retaking control of the House. For candidates referred to by GOP leadership as “rising stars” this year to be exposed in the press for all kinds of trouble in their records–trouble that somebody should have known about–strongly points toward incompetence at the top.

In only two years, Frank McNulty’s mismanagement of the Colorado House played a big role in turning the closest Republicans have had to a comeback–after years of being humiliated in a state they used to own–into a fresh lesson on why they are losing here so consistently.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #5: Aurora and the Changing Politics of Guns

Between now and New Year’s Eve, Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

As a Western state with a frontier culture and independent values, Colorado’s natural tendency toward individual freedom has always meant a permissive attitude toward gun ownership.

At the same time, tragic events in our state have put us at the forefront of the national debate over gun policy–somewhat belatedly, after the issue caught up with us in the wake of recent tragedy both here and elsewhere. In 1999, the entire nation was shocked by a mass murder at Columbine High School in Littleton, at that time the worst school shootings in American history. In the aftermath of that tragedy, Coloradans passed Amendment 22, closing the “gun show loophole” by requiring background checks be carried out by private sellers at gun shows.

After that modest defeat, the state’s highly vocal gun lobby, led by an organization called the Rocky Mountain Gun Owners, who considers the National Rifle Association too soft, aggressively fought back–pressuring Colorado Republicans to reject even the most rudimentary tightening of gun laws in the harshest terms possible. The gun lobby won a victory earlier this year when the Colorado Supreme Court overturned a University of Colorado ban on carrying licensed concealed weapons on campus.

And then, early on the morning of July 20th of this year, a disturbed University of Colorado graduate student walked into a movie theater in Aurora, and took the lives of 12 innocent people using an assault rifle and a shotgun while injuring dozens more.

Immediately after the Aurora shootings, even most Colorado Democrats were unwilling to call for a plan to reduce gun violence–either spectacular tragedies of this kind, or the dozens of people killed every day by gun violence. Gov. John Hickenlooper adopted a very NRA-like deferential tone when he said after Aurora that those intent on violence are “going to find something,” meaning some kind of weapon even if they can’t get a gun.

From that time, mass shooting incidents have killed or seriously injured 46 more people, including the most recent massacre of 20 children at an elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut. These high-profile incidents have forced attention once again on the 34 people killed every day by gun violence, and seem to be fundamentally changing the nature of this debate. The resulting shift in the narrative was apparent in the contrast between Governor Hickenlooper’s statements in July, against his very different comments this month after Newtown–and his announced support for new measures to ease access to mental health services, and keep guns out of the hands of the mentally ill.

Echoed by polls showing broad support for common sense measures to reduce gun violence without infringing on the rights of law-abiding citizens, Colorado Democratic lawmakers are following Hickenlooper’s measured call to action with a number of proposals expected to be debated in 2013. As specific gun safety proposals shake out in Colorado’s General Assembly, it’s clear that the self-serving cycle of declaring it “too soon” after a tragedy to talk about reform, which too often resulted in no action ever being taken, has been broken. The gun lobby looks weaker than ever, and at least in Colorado, Democrats appear interested in a sensible balance that both improves public safety and preserves our values.

This can be fairly considered a major and politically unexpected development.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #6: The “Honey Badger’s” Very Bad Year

Between now and New Year’s Eve, Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

We and many others predicted in 2010 that Scott Gessler, a Republican election law attorney unexpectedly elected Colorado Secretary of State, would easily prove to be the most partisan and controversial chief elections officer in the state’s modern history. In the two years since, he has certainly lived up to that prediction.

What we didn’t predict is that Gessler would be so very, very bad at it.

The narrative of Gessler’s tenure as Colorado Secretary of State up to now is one of two tracks: spectacularly failed attempts at misusing his power for overtly partisan aims, and surprising brushes with relatively petty financial scandal that could actually prove to be the more immediate threat to his career and credibility.

Since taking office, Gessler has been a darling of conservative activists around the nation who are convinced, among other things, that improperly registered noncitizen voters are committing large-scale election fraud. Gessler has repeatedly thrown out dubious claims of “thousands” of noncitizen voters on the rolls in Colorado without supporting evidence. This fall, Gessler sent letters requesting verification of citizenship to some 4,000 registered voters (less than half the 11,000+ figure Gessler had touted the previous year), and of those 4,000 inquiries, Westword’s Sam Levin reports they have ultimately resulted in the cancelation of 88 voter registrations–and it’s not known how many of them had actually voted. Based on previous results, a very small fraction of those 88 at most.

Bottom line: Gessler has perhaps done more to disprove the myth of widespread election fraud from “noncitizen voters” than his liberal opponents. The pitiful results of Gessler’s two-year effort to root out what is a tiny number of problem registrations, while so many other unresolved issues with our elections surely have resulted in the loss of many more than 88 votes, is a stunning self-administered rebuke to the conspiracist right wing. It’s even worse if you consider Gessler’s fixation on this while actively obstructing legislative attempts to sensibly resolve the “inactive voter” controversy from 2011, which involved so many more people.

Combined with all the other questionable incidents in Gessler’s two years in office, from hosting a fundraiser to pay off fines levied by his office on fellow Republicans to his now-infamous remark that a “good election” is when “Republicans win,” and what you have is a man fundamentally making a mockery of a solemn responsibility–and not even doing that very well. It’s so poorly executed, and so obviously improper, that it’s really quite tawdry.

“Tawdry” also sums up the other emerging narrative of Gessler’s time as Secretary of State. Gessler’s very first controversy after taking office in 2011 was his announcement that he intended to keep working part time at his old elections law firm–a decision brought about, according to Gessler, by the hardship of living on the Secretary of State’s salary of $70,000 a year. While we and others are not unsympathetic regarding the low salaries paid some of our highest public officials in Colorado, Gessler’s proposed solution was a conflict-of-interest disaster waiting to happen. After a public outcry, Gessler announced he had changed his mind.

As it turns out, Gessler discovered other ways to beat the high cost of living! Questionable reimbursements for travel expenses to partisan events, including a “True the Vote” press conference in Washington D.C. and events surrounding and including the Republican National Convention in Tampa this year, are now the subject of both an ethics commission inquiry and a Denver DA criminal investigation. Another instance of Gessler “sweeping” the entire balance of his discretionary account into his pocket at the end of the fiscal year has raised more questions.

Republican friends tell us that Gessler is exceptionally intelligent, so most of what he does has presumably been thought through. What we can’t understand is the ultimate goal for him. He apparently doesn’t think he can really rise to a high post as an elected official, because if he did, he wouldn’t do things like empty the petty cash account. The easy-to-see political damage is tremendously more harmful than the trade off of a small amount of money, and he must know that. Gessler takes heat for his behavior over and over, but he doesn’t seem to care–which makes him dangerous for every other Republican.

So many controversies in only two years have led to calls for Gessler’s recall (a highly improbable prospect under Colorado’s stiff recall petition requirements)–and more recently, changing the office of Secretary of State into some kind of nonpartisan position. Certainly Democrats will mount an aggressive bid for the office in 2014, and many insiders expect Gessler won’t run again for the job–perhaps opting instead for a sacrificial lamb campaign against Gov. John Hickenlooper, followed by a return to much more profitable private practice.

But it’s been a wild ride, made less of a shock only by his repeated failures.

Santa Visits Colorado Politicians

It’s amazing what you can learn from an exhausted reindeer stopping by the barn for a hot mash before making his long journey back to the North pole. Straight from the reindeer’s mouth (by way of a certain Progressive CowPony acting as translator), a special Christmas bulletin on Santa’s visit to Colorado politicians’ households. Although some of Colorado’s elected officials landed on the naughty list, Santa (concerned that a lump of coal would be mistaken for a lobbyist’s gift) dropped personalized presents down the chimney for several figures of political prominence. Here’s a sampling:

Governor John Hickenlooper: Cheetos and goldfish.

State Senator Brophy: An industrial strength slingshot, so those melons won’t go unmolested after gun control passes.

Secretary of State Scott Gessler: One threatening letter, which may be used to escape responsibility for one future abuse of public funds.

Congressman Jared Polis: A partridge in a pear tree. He already had everything else…

Representative Max Tyler: Family-sized box of Enstrom’s milk chocolate toffee.

Congressman Ed Perlmutter: Winter coats for his staff, currently freezing in their mandatory ponchos.

Representative Jonathan Singer: Get-out-of-trouble-free card permitting ONE, and ONLY one “joint committee” or “high stakes” pun about Amendment 64 on the House floor.

Brian Watson: Free entry into an adult spelling bee.

Lang Sias: A newer edition of Photoshop for better sign clean-up the NEXT time he’s heralded as a “rising star” when jumping into a clearly lost race against a solid incumbent.

Attorney General John Suthers: A raise, pre-wrapped for regifting to the next person to hold his seat.

Representative Dan Pabon: Diapers and one good night’s sleep.

Secretary Ken Salazar: Large punch bowl, to be filled and kept handy for the next time a journalist upsets him. What are you talking about? He just offered that reporter a festive beverage! See, there’s another gallon of it right here, have a cup.

Congressman Mike Coffman: Body double willing to occasionally talk to CD6 constituents.

Denver Post Editorial Board: A list of people who may possibly run for Congress in 2014, besides the incumbents–with two years’ lead time, who knows, maybe they’ll endorse one.

If anyone else has Christmas intel on what Colorado’s boldface names found under their trees, post it in the comments…

Benson won’t offer his position on ASSET, after opposing Metro’s reduced tuition rate in June

In an article summarizing a hearing Tuesday before the State Legislature’s Joint Budget Committee, EdNews Colorado reported CU President Bruce Benson’s latest thinking on state legislation that would create a reduced tuition rate for undocumented students in Colorado.

EDNews: [Benson] said formally supporting such legislation is up to the Board of Regents, and “the regents are kind of split on these things.” Benson added that charging undocumented students high tuition “just doesn’t make any sense” but added “I’m not going to tell you exactly how I feel.”

But Benson, who was the Republican nominee for governor in 1994, did tell the Denver Post in June exactly how he felt about Metropolitan State University’s decision earlier this year to reduce its tuition rate for undocumented students.

Benson told The Denver Post at the time he was opposed to Metro’s action on behalf of undocumented students because state lawmakers had already “took a vote” and decided against establishing an optional lower rate. Therefore Metro had no business setting its own policy.

State legislators on the JBC grilled Metro officials Tuesday, as they’d done in the Spring, about its reduced tuition rate for undocumented students.

EdNews reported:

“The actions you took broke federal law and broke state law” [Rep. Cheri Gerou] said, adding that Metro had violated correct processes in taking its action.

“I actually respectfully disagree with ‘violating process,'” responded Metro President Steve Jordan, adding, “I disagree with Rep. Gerou’s interpretation of federal law…”

Gerou replied, “Thank you gentlemen. I don’t agree with you, but that doesn’t really matter.” Referring to the issue’s prospects in the 2013 legislative session, she said, “I think we’re going to do something about that. … We need to make sure these students are successful. I don’t want to set them up for failure.”

EdNews should have pointed out that Gerou, a Republican, struck a more conciliatory tone this week than she did in June, when she said Metro’s decision could affect the University’s future funding from the legislature. And she said in June that the tuition issue was more of a federal problem than a state one.

A group of 10 Republicans, including House Majority Leader Amy Stephens, subsequently sent a letter to Gov. John Hickenlooper informing him that “several state legislators have already begun drafting legislation to overturn the Metro State action and reaffirm legislative authority over tuition classifications.”

The status of this draft legislation, as well as Gerou’s specific thoughts on ASSET should have been reported by EdNews.

Who’s Afraid Of The NRA?

UPDATE: Sen. Greg Brophy’s opposing view noted for the record:



—–

A major story coming out of the 2012 elections last month concerned lavish amounts of money spent by favored Republican message groups–the most frequently-cited example being Karl Rove’s “Super PAC” American Crossroads–with an absolutely horrible “rate of return” on that spending as measured by candidates who actually won. In the case of American Crossroads, the nonpartisan Sunlight Foundation estimated that only about six percent of the hundreds of millions spent by that group was spent in races where the Republican candiate prevailed.

So the question naturally occurred to us this weekend: how did the gun lobby do?

As the Washington Post reported right after the elections:

The Sunlight Foundation ran the numbers and found that after spending nearly $11 million in the general election, the National Rifle Association got a less than one percent return on its investment this cycle. That is, less than one percent of the money went toward the desired result.

The group supported 27 winning candidates, but most of its money was spent targeting winning Democrats (including over $7 million against President Obama) or bolstering losing Republicans (including $1.8 million supporting Mitt Romney and $500,000 backing Indiana Senate candidate Richard Mourdock).

The NRA’s lobbying arm, the  NRA Institute for Legislative Action, fared only a bit better – 10 percent of its money went to winning candidates.

Answer: not real well, folks.

There are two ways to look at this situation. The fact that the National Rifle Association was able to bring tremendous assets to bear in races around the country demonstrates what an on-paper formidable organization the gun lobby remains. Certainly, Republicans can’t be expected to perform as poorly in every election as they did in 2012–it just wasn’t a Republican year, in so many respects that have nothing whatsoever to do with guns.

But the NRA’s extremely poor rate of return on its electoral spending in 2012, even lower than Rove’s embarrassingly bad success rate with the millions he controlled at American Crossroads, reveals something nonetheless important: the gun lobby doesn’t have any special powers of persuasion. Guns, as a partisan electoral issue, appear no more persuasive for Republicans than anything else they run on, and in 2012, that meant the issue wasn’t persuasive at all.

In Western states like Colorado, Democrats naturally run on a more deferential platform toward gun rights than their counterparts in, say, New Jersey. This reduces the effectiveness of gun policy as a GOP issue here, and also allows local Democrats to lead on gun policy reforms, when the moment presents itself, with a degree of bipartisan credibility. The simpleminded attacks against “gun grabbing” Democrats don’t work as well here, because our Democrats are less vulnerable to them, and better able to appeal to responsible gun owners.

In key ways, we’d say the much-feared “gun lobby” has an underreported bark/bite imbalance.

Colorado Politicians Seek Raises for Colorado Politicians

First off, I want to say that I support bringing the salaries of Colorado state department heads up to a reasonable level, comparable with their peers in other states. Also, I recognize that the proposed salary hikes for Colorado politicians would not apply to current office holders.

There . . . I’m making a point to be scrupulously honest (as an example to the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees and PERA administrators) even if this complete honesty detracts from my argument. Unlike the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees, I am forgoing the opportunity to misrepresent by omission. More on that later.

Today’s Denver Post is reporting that state politicians are considering legislation to hike salaries and provide cost-of-living increases for . . . state politicians.

Link to Denver Post article:

http://www.denverpost.com/ci_2…

“Democratic state Sen. Pat Steadman plans to carry legislation next session to hike salaries for the executive branch, but he hasn’t yet decided whether to include a pay raise for state legislators, who earn $30,000 annually. ‘I’m still considering how far to go with this, but at the minimum I am looking at raising the pay of the five constitutional officers,’ the Denver lawmaker said.”

“‘Something needs to be done,’ (Colorado Attorney General) Suthers said. ‘We’re not just low anymore. We’re off the radar.'”

“And Steadman said he plans to craft the bill so that office-holders who win re-election in 2014 wouldn’t be eligible for the raise either. Only successful challengers and the new attorney general would get the pay increase.”

“Hickenlooper’s spokesman, Eric Brown, said the governor is ‘generally supportive of salary increases for the next office-holders, particularly the attorney general.'”

“State Sen. Ted Harvey, R-Highlands Ranch, said he would support a raise for the executive branch because members are ‘woefully undercompensated,’ but he doesn’t support an increase for legislators.”

(My comment: For the record, Senator Harvey opposed the breach of Colorado PERA pensioner contracts on the Senate floor during the SB 10-001 debate. Senator Harvey’s words: “We have made a commitment. We have a contract with current retirees. That is already in place.” “Reforms should be made for new hires.” “We do not have that commitment to new hires.”)

Back to the Denver Post article:

“But former state Sen. Dave Schultheis said it’s time. The Colorado Springs Republican, known for his conservative fiscal positions, has long advocated that legislative pay be boosted and tied to cost-of-living increases.” ‘These legislators are sacrificing quite a bit as it is, being away from their families,’ he said. ‘Having the pay remain at the 1999 level is not appropriate.'”

(My comment: It means something that former State Senator Dave Schultheis supports salary COLAs for state legislators. Schultheis is the “conservative’s conservative” [I mean that in a good way].

Although this argument to bring public office salary levels up to par may have merit . . . the timing of this proposal is ludicrous. It is completely insensate and rather poor form to propose discretionary increases in the salaries of state politicians WHEN THE STATE IS IN BREACH OF CONTRACT!

It’s like going out to buy that 50-inch flat screen at WalMart, when you’ve just missed your mortgage payment.

Are Colorado legislators unaware that the State of Colorado is in breach of public pension contracts? It seems so. FYI, legislators, as I write this blog post the State of Colorado is in Breach of Contract. Legislators, the Colorado Court of Appeals recently held the following: “We consider McPhail and Bills dispositive (indisputably bringing to a conclusion a legal controversy) of whether plaintiffs here have a contractual right to a particular COLA.” In the cases McPhail and Bills, the Colorado Supreme Court “found a contractual right based on members’ provision of services and contributions to the retirement fund.”

As a member of the General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee, Senator Steadman should be aware of the state’s contract breach and act accordingly. He seems to have no recognition of the distinction between mandatory expenditures to meet the state’s contractual obligations, and discretionary expenditures by the General Assembly.

While the State of Colorado is in breach of contract, the General Assembly should not continue to make annual $100 million discretionary grants for property tax relief. Over the past two decades the General Assembly should have been adequately funding contractual PERA pension obligations instead of pumping ONE-HALF BILLION DOLLARS into local government pensions that are not the obligation of the State of Colorado, not the state’s responsibility at all. I realize that Colorado voters and the General Assembly have decimated the state’s revenue base over the past two decades, but Colorado voters cannot empower the General Assembly to violate the Colorado and U.S. constitutions. As we shall see shortly, (tomorrow maybe) even Colorado PERA administrators blame their co-defendant General Assembly for the mismanagement of PERA public pension obligations.

Now, back to the “honesty” of the organization, Colorado PERA.

The PERA Board recently submitted an appeal brief to the Colorado Supreme Court in the case Justus v. State. In my opinion, this appeal brief includes a number of attempts to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court. For convenience, I summarize this deceit below – presenting what I consider to be the ugliest of the Colorado PERA attempts to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court (apologies to those of you who are already very familiar with these PERA attempts at deception.)

The Colorado PERA “Market-Based” Pension Statistics Deception:

In their Colorado Supreme Court brief, Colorado PERA fails to identify the funded ratios they cite as “market-based” funded ratios. I believe that Colorado PERA representatives hope to misdirect the Colorado Supreme Court by diverting the court’s attention away from the “actuarial funded ratios” that PERA administrators have used historically and that are employed in SB 10-001, the subject of the current litigation.

See page 3 of this legislative memorandum for some historical perspective on PERA’s funding status:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

I believe that it is Colorado PERA’s intent to use “market-based” funded ratios to exaggerate the financial condition of the Colorado PERA trust funds in an attempt to bolster their case for the breach of PERA pensioner contracts. I consider Colorado PERA’s use of “market-based” funded ratios an attempt to mislead the Colorado Supreme Court, hindering its efforts to find the truth.

Note: Colorado PERA representatives should tread carefully here . . . Colorado Supreme Court rules state that “There are circumstances where failure to make a disclosure is the equivalent of an affirmative misrepresentation.”

The Colorado PERA “COLAs as Unchangeable” Red Herring:

A second deception that I believe is present in the Colorado PERA Supreme Court brief is PERA’s continued use of its “COLAs as unchangeable” red herring from its earlier court briefs. PERA administrators and trustees know quite well that Colorado PERA pensioners have never claimed that their COLA benefits are “unchangeable,” rather PERA pensioners have objected to the REDUCTION of their contracted COLA benefits. PERA retirees suffer no harm when their COLA benefits are improved in statute.

This particular Colorado PERA tactic of deception has already been exposed by the Colorado Court of Appeals. In reversing the Denver District Court decision, the Colorado Court of Appeals specifically ordered the lower court to ignore PERA’s attempted deception.

From the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision: “We note, however, that plaintiffs contend that they have a reasonable expectation of an irreducible (not, as defendants assert, an unchangeable) COLA. Therefore, we direct the district court to consider whether there has been a substantial impairment with that in mind.” It is astonishing, but Colorado PERA still will not give up this particular line of deception.

Colorado PERA’s Implication that Current PERA Members Will Work Longer Under SB 10-001:

Representatives of Colorado PERA write in the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief: “Current and future employees will pay the highest rates in PERA’s history while working up to a decade longer before retirement.”

In my opinion, this Colorado PERA assertion in its Supreme Court Brief is indisputably designed to mislead the Colorado Supreme Court. Under SB 10-001, age and service requirements for PERA retirement eligibility were NOT altered for current vested employees. Age and service requirements were extended for future hires [notably, those to whom Colorado PERA has no contractual obligations]. Current PERA members will work not one day longer before retirement under the provisions of SB 10-001.

In my opinion, PERA representatives intend, in this sentence, to leave the reader with the impression that current, active, vested PERA members will work longer prior to achieving retirement eligibility under SB 10-001. That is simply untrue.

Will They Stay or Will They Go?

Interior Secretary Ken Salazar may or may not be coming home to Colorado, depending on the source and the day. But Salazar answered media questions about his future plans after an event in Washington D.C. last night, and he sounded like a man…

…Well, you decide. From Environment and Energy Daily (subscription required):

“We’re thinking hard about it,” he told reporters. “My family and I are having lots of great conversations.”…

…His remarks, while brief, were some of his first since the November elections and will do nothing to tamp down speculation over whether he will continue to lead an agency that oversees energy development, recreation and conservation on hundreds of millions of acres of federal lands.

Salazar said he does not know when he will make a decision.

Salazar’s remarks come just a few days after The Center for Biological Diversity and other environmental groups sent out an odd press release promoting Arizona Rep. Raul Grijalva for Interior Secretary “when that position opens” (full release after the jump).

With Governor John Hickenlooper rumored to be a candidate for Commerce Secretary, Colorado could again find itself in a strange position of top elected officials moving back and forth to the nation’s capitol while others figure out what to do in the meantime (acting-Governor Joe Garcia, anyone?) A Hickenlooper move would obviously open up the Governor’s race for Salazar in 2014, which is an office Salazar has long coveted.

This could all get very confusing, but very interesting as well. It’s like crack for political junkies.

Light Up (If That’s Your Thing)

POLS UPDATE: AP’s Kristen Wyatt via the Washington Post:

Hickenlooper, a Democrat, opposed the measure but had no veto power over the voter-approved amendment to the state constitution. He tweeted his declaration Monday and sent an executive order to reporters by email after the fact. That prevented a countdown to legalization as seen in Washington, where the law’s supporters gathered to smoke in public…

Hickenlooper also announced a state task force Monday to help craft the marijuana regulations. The 24-member task force includes law enforcement, agriculture officials and marijuana advocates.

The governor admonished the task force not to ponder whether marijuana should be legal.

“The Task Force shall respect the will of the voters of Colorado and shall not engage in a debate of the merits of marijuana legalization,” the executive order read.

See the list of legalization task force members after the jump.

——

Update: In Hick’s office’s own words


Gov. John Hickenlooper today signed an Executive Order that makes an “official declaration of the vote” related to Amendment 64. That declaration formalizes the amendment as part of the state Constitution and makes legal the personal use, possession and limited home-growing of marijuana under Colorado law for adults 21 years of age and older.

It is still illegal under state law to buy or sell marijuana in any quantity and to consume marijuana in public or in a way that endangers others.

The latest, from Twitter:

Enjoy your day, folks. If you find yourself hungry, there’s a great new bakery around 8th and Colorado, Leaf and Crumb, that could use some business.  

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