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2012’s Top Story: The “Tipping Point,” Well and Truly

Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

As the New York Times’ poll guru Nate Silver explained just after the elections:

In the simulations we ran each day, we accounted for the range of possible outcomes in each state and then saw which states provided Mr. Obama with his easiest route to 270 electoral votes, the minimum winning number. The state that put Mr. Obama over the top to 270 electoral votes was the tipping-point state in that simulation.

Now that the actual returns are in, we don’t need the simulations or the forecast model. It turned out, in fact, that although the FiveThirtyEight model had a very strong night over all on Tuesday, it was wrong about the identity of the tipping-point state. Based on the polls, it appeared that Ohio was the state most likely to win Mr. Obama his 270th electoral vote. Instead, it was Colorado that provided him with his win – the same state that did so in 2008. [Pols emphasis]

So according to Silver’s initial analysis, Colorado, which the incumbent carried by just under five points, was the tipping-point state that gave President Barack Obama his Electoral College win. But there’s a little more to our state’s pivotal role we’d like our readers to consider.

As was the case going into the 2010 elections, pundits going into 2012 frequently cited Colorado as a state that, although President Obama won handily here in 2008, was very much “back in contention” due to a number of factors: Democratic and independent disillusionment with Obama’s first-term accomplishments, pent-up conservative angst after a rough recent history in this state for Republicans, and a healthy Mormon population to provide a natural base constituency for eventual GOP nominee (and always the institutional favorite) Mitt Romney.

Not only did Romney lose the GOP caucuses in Colorado to the laughably unelectable Rick Santorum, Romney’s entire campaign in Colorado came to symbolize what was wrong both with his campaign and the Republican Party in general today. Every lurch to the right from Romney to win “Tea Party” primary votes was carefully recorded and amplified by Democrats and their allies in Colorado, who never lost sight of Romney as their long-term target through the long GOP primary season. In addition, Romney’s campaign had a bizarrely, pre-emptively hostile relationship with the local press that we were never able to understand.

It’s difficult to enumerate just how many ways the Romney campaign made no sense in its misbegotten approach to winning the state of Colorado. This was especially clear from the earliest visits by the campaign to the state after securing the nomination. Instead of mounting a determined effort in the pivotal suburbs of Denver, Romney’s early campaign visits were to unpopulated places like Ft. Lupton, and remote Craig in the northwest corner of the state. Romney’s message was also hopelessly out of touch: in Craig, Romney’s claims that Obama was hurting the nearby coal industry were refuted by the city’s own mayor, who was happy to report that jobs and coal production were in fact on the rise.

When Romney announced his choice of Rep. Paul Ryan as his vice presidential running mate, Ryan was quickly dispatched to Colorado in the hope of improving the ticket’s showing in this state. But Ryan quickly backfired on the Romney campaign in Colorado after questions surfaced about the veracity of his claims to have climbed dozens of Colorado fourteeners opened a segue into much broader questions about his truthfulness. Ryan’s strident views on abortion were pounced on by Democrats and pro-choice advocates, driving home the Michael Bennet strategy.” Robust spending on Spanish language advertising not only wooed Spanish-speaking voters, but demonstrated the Obama campaign’s value for the Hispanic community as a whole.

Logistically as well as in the critical field campaign organization to turn out voters, Romney was never able to keep up with the Obama campaign’s massive and highly professionalized operation. Even though crowds overall were smaller this year than in 2008, Obama’s campaign events consistently drew larger and more enthusiastic audiences. The one major exception to this rule, Romney’s overflowing rally at iconic Red Rocks Amphitheatre, resulted in thousands upsettedly turned away due to wildly overbooking the venue–and hours of traffic jams as attendees and would-bes clogged nearby roads.

While Obama’s superbly-organized field campaign turned out Colorado voters, including a solid mail-in and early vote operation, Romney’s Colorado field effort on Election Day broke down as part of the nationwide ORCA fiasco, helping Democrats handily overcome a small GOP lead in the final early and mail-in ballot counts. In the end, the Democratic coordinated campaign worked seamlessly and effectively to get out the vote, up and down the ticket. As we saw in 2008 and fully keeping pace today, Democrats possess a level of campaign sophistication that has taken years to develop–and that Republicans are years away from equaling.

Certainly, the many scandals and gaffes that beset Romney on a national level had their effect in Colorado, and it’s also possible that Romney could have hypothetically won (or lost) in a few scenarios that didn’t include the state of Colorado’s nine electoral votes at all. But as it was, recently-blue Colorado was once again pivotal; and the failures on the ground, and in the earned media war unique to Colorado by Romney’s campaign, are a piece of the story of Republican losses in 2012 that both sides will study closely if they know what’s good for them.

Top Ten Stories of 2012 #6: The “Honey Badger’s” Very Bad Year

Between now and New Year’s Eve, Colorado Pols is recapping the top ten stories in Colorado politics from the 2012 election year.

We and many others predicted in 2010 that Scott Gessler, a Republican election law attorney unexpectedly elected Colorado Secretary of State, would easily prove to be the most partisan and controversial chief elections officer in the state’s modern history. In the two years since, he has certainly lived up to that prediction.

What we didn’t predict is that Gessler would be so very, very bad at it.

The narrative of Gessler’s tenure as Colorado Secretary of State up to now is one of two tracks: spectacularly failed attempts at misusing his power for overtly partisan aims, and surprising brushes with relatively petty financial scandal that could actually prove to be the more immediate threat to his career and credibility.

Since taking office, Gessler has been a darling of conservative activists around the nation who are convinced, among other things, that improperly registered noncitizen voters are committing large-scale election fraud. Gessler has repeatedly thrown out dubious claims of “thousands” of noncitizen voters on the rolls in Colorado without supporting evidence. This fall, Gessler sent letters requesting verification of citizenship to some 4,000 registered voters (less than half the 11,000+ figure Gessler had touted the previous year), and of those 4,000 inquiries, Westword’s Sam Levin reports they have ultimately resulted in the cancelation of 88 voter registrations–and it’s not known how many of them had actually voted. Based on previous results, a very small fraction of those 88 at most.

Bottom line: Gessler has perhaps done more to disprove the myth of widespread election fraud from “noncitizen voters” than his liberal opponents. The pitiful results of Gessler’s two-year effort to root out what is a tiny number of problem registrations, while so many other unresolved issues with our elections surely have resulted in the loss of many more than 88 votes, is a stunning self-administered rebuke to the conspiracist right wing. It’s even worse if you consider Gessler’s fixation on this while actively obstructing legislative attempts to sensibly resolve the “inactive voter” controversy from 2011, which involved so many more people.

Combined with all the other questionable incidents in Gessler’s two years in office, from hosting a fundraiser to pay off fines levied by his office on fellow Republicans to his now-infamous remark that a “good election” is when “Republicans win,” and what you have is a man fundamentally making a mockery of a solemn responsibility–and not even doing that very well. It’s so poorly executed, and so obviously improper, that it’s really quite tawdry.

“Tawdry” also sums up the other emerging narrative of Gessler’s time as Secretary of State. Gessler’s very first controversy after taking office in 2011 was his announcement that he intended to keep working part time at his old elections law firm–a decision brought about, according to Gessler, by the hardship of living on the Secretary of State’s salary of $70,000 a year. While we and others are not unsympathetic regarding the low salaries paid some of our highest public officials in Colorado, Gessler’s proposed solution was a conflict-of-interest disaster waiting to happen. After a public outcry, Gessler announced he had changed his mind.

As it turns out, Gessler discovered other ways to beat the high cost of living! Questionable reimbursements for travel expenses to partisan events, including a “True the Vote” press conference in Washington D.C. and events surrounding and including the Republican National Convention in Tampa this year, are now the subject of both an ethics commission inquiry and a Denver DA criminal investigation. Another instance of Gessler “sweeping” the entire balance of his discretionary account into his pocket at the end of the fiscal year has raised more questions.

Republican friends tell us that Gessler is exceptionally intelligent, so most of what he does has presumably been thought through. What we can’t understand is the ultimate goal for him. He apparently doesn’t think he can really rise to a high post as an elected official, because if he did, he wouldn’t do things like empty the petty cash account. The easy-to-see political damage is tremendously more harmful than the trade off of a small amount of money, and he must know that. Gessler takes heat for his behavior over and over, but he doesn’t seem to care–which makes him dangerous for every other Republican.

So many controversies in only two years have led to calls for Gessler’s recall (a highly improbable prospect under Colorado’s stiff recall petition requirements)–and more recently, changing the office of Secretary of State into some kind of nonpartisan position. Certainly Democrats will mount an aggressive bid for the office in 2014, and many insiders expect Gessler won’t run again for the job–perhaps opting instead for a sacrificial lamb campaign against Gov. John Hickenlooper, followed by a return to much more profitable private practice.

But it’s been a wild ride, made less of a shock only by his repeated failures.

This Is What Failed Leadership Looks Like



Empty U.S. House chambers.

Politico:

With the country teetering on this fiscal cliff of deep spending cuts and sharp tax hikes, the philosophical differences, the shortened timetable and the political dynamics appear to be insurmountable hurdles for a bipartisan deal by New Year’s Day.

Hopes of a grand-bargain – to shave trillions of dollars off the deficit by cutting entitlement programs and raising revenue – are shattered. House Republicans already failed to pass their “Plan B” proposal. And now aides and senators say the White House’s smaller, fall-back plan floated last week is a non-starter among Republicans in Senate – much less the House.

On top of that, the Treasury Department announced Wednesday that the nation would hit the debt limit on Dec. 31, and would then have to take “extraordinary measures” to avoid exhausting the government’s borrowing limit in the New Year.

Adds the Washington Post:

If anything, hope for success appeared to have dimmed over the Christmas holiday. The Republican-controlled House last week abdicated responsibility for resolving the crisis, leaving all eyes on the Senate. But senior aides in both parties said Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) have not met or even spoken since leaving town for the weekend…

With no sign of urgency, aides in both parties predicted that failure was not just a possibility – it was rapidly becoming the most likely outcome. No significant movement was expected Thursday: Obama was scheduled to be in the air traveling back from his Hawaiian holiday for a good portion of the day, and the Senate wasn’t set to convene for votes until the evening.

Even if some miraculous breakthrough in the Senate could be achieved, another round of winter weather in the Washington, D.C. area this weekend could well disrupt air travel, making it difficult for House members to reconvene in time for a vote before the new year–and that assumes the Republican-controlled House of Representatives is a body capable of passing anything the President would be able to sign. After the failure before Christmas by Speaker John Boehner to pass his “Plan B” alternative measure, a red-on-red disaster abetted by at least two Colorado Republican members of Congress, dysfunction seems to be the rule.

The public is becoming increasingly, undeniably aware of who is to blame for the impasse, as a poll released yesterday shows once again–Huffington Post reports:

President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats got a moderate boost in approval ratings for their handling of the crisis. Obama’s rating on the negotiations rose to a majority 54 percent, while approval for Democratic leaders in Congress jumped to 45 percent. Republicans did not see similar gains, with their number holding nearly steady at 26 percent. [Pols emphasis]

Any shift in approval didn’t appear to affect the desire for bipartisan deal-making. Just 22 percent of people said either side should stick to its principles, while 68 percent called for a compromise.

And this is the key: President Barack Obama has already compromised. A casual look at the offers the President has made, both increasing the threshold of income at which higher tax rates would apply, as well as offering entitlement rate-of-growth cuts that have genuinely upset liberal Democrats, and there’s no question which side has offered more to get a deal. We don’t really think the administration can offer much more without putting itself in a situation similar to that faced by Boehner–a fact made even clearer by the intense public opposition to cutting institutions like Social Security and Medicare. One small upshot is that as the scale of what can be achieved with an intransigent GOP-controlled House diminishes, so do the cuts.

Politically, it’s critical to understand that this is not 2009. There is no upwelling of conservative opposition brewing as was the case with the then-incipient “Tea Party.” The country has been through years of exactly this kind of obstruction and brinkmanship since Republicans retook control of the House in 2010. The voters want solutions. They are tired of rhetoric. What the polls show is a growing fatigue with Republican intransigence, and a growing understanding that it is Republican intransigence at the heart of much of their frustration with government.

It is not “bias” to acknowledge when one side is plainly losing.

Santa Visits Colorado Politicians

It’s amazing what you can learn from an exhausted reindeer stopping by the barn for a hot mash before making his long journey back to the North pole. Straight from the reindeer’s mouth (by way of a certain Progressive CowPony acting as translator), a special Christmas bulletin on Santa’s visit to Colorado politicians’ households. Although some of Colorado’s elected officials landed on the naughty list, Santa (concerned that a lump of coal would be mistaken for a lobbyist’s gift) dropped personalized presents down the chimney for several figures of political prominence. Here’s a sampling:

Governor John Hickenlooper: Cheetos and goldfish.

State Senator Brophy: An industrial strength slingshot, so those melons won’t go unmolested after gun control passes.

Secretary of State Scott Gessler: One threatening letter, which may be used to escape responsibility for one future abuse of public funds.

Congressman Jared Polis: A partridge in a pear tree. He already had everything else…

Representative Max Tyler: Family-sized box of Enstrom’s milk chocolate toffee.

Congressman Ed Perlmutter: Winter coats for his staff, currently freezing in their mandatory ponchos.

Representative Jonathan Singer: Get-out-of-trouble-free card permitting ONE, and ONLY one “joint committee” or “high stakes” pun about Amendment 64 on the House floor.

Brian Watson: Free entry into an adult spelling bee.

Lang Sias: A newer edition of Photoshop for better sign clean-up the NEXT time he’s heralded as a “rising star” when jumping into a clearly lost race against a solid incumbent.

Attorney General John Suthers: A raise, pre-wrapped for regifting to the next person to hold his seat.

Representative Dan Pabon: Diapers and one good night’s sleep.

Secretary Ken Salazar: Large punch bowl, to be filled and kept handy for the next time a journalist upsets him. What are you talking about? He just offered that reporter a festive beverage! See, there’s another gallon of it right here, have a cup.

Congressman Mike Coffman: Body double willing to occasionally talk to CD6 constituents.

Denver Post Editorial Board: A list of people who may possibly run for Congress in 2014, besides the incumbents–with two years’ lead time, who knows, maybe they’ll endorse one.

If anyone else has Christmas intel on what Colorado’s boldface names found under their trees, post it in the comments…

Was Colorado’s Pension Contract Breach “Actuarially Necessary”?

Colorado PERA officials on “Actuarial Necessity.”

Colorado PERA General Counsel: “We understand that some of these (PERA pension reform options) may not be legal.”

Defendant Colorado PERA Blames Co-defendant State of Colorado for underfunding the pension in the last decade.

The opinions of Colorado PERA officials on the subject of the constitutionality of reducing fully-vested PERA retiree pension benefits have shifted over the last decade.  Colorado PERA’s positions on this subject have shifted from pronouncements that such an act on the part of the General Assembly would be illegal, to pronouncements that such acts “seem” to be illegal, to statements (after the beginning of the PERA campaign to breach retiree contracts) that, yes, these rights are contractual, however; the General Assembly can break its contracts if they can find some “actuarial necessity.”  PERA officials add, however; that this “finding of actuarial necessity” has only happened once as far as they can see.  PERA officials also note that the Colorado General Assembly has not reserved the right to make such retroactive changes in pension contracts, and that the courts have set a “high burden” for permitting such breaches of contract.

In 2010, it was simply more politically viable for the State of Colorado to breach its pension contracts than to meet its contractual obligations.  Why are we having a discussion about breaching public employee contracts rather than having a discussion about breaching Colorado’s corporate contracts?  Well . . . corporations have money, power and lawyers.  Certainly Colorado corporations have more of these assets than do Colorado PERA retirees who are elderly, (oftentimes in ill health), and rightly focused on enjoying their remaining years after serving Colorado governments for decades.

Now, to “actuarial necessity”:

In recent years, the Colorado Legislature has asked Colorado PERA administrators for their thoughts on the subject of “actuarial emergencies.”

http://www.denverpost.com/news…

JANUARY 5, 2009 PERA JBC DOCUMENT – WHAT IS ACTUARIAL NECESSITY?

For example, the Colorado General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee met on the afternoon on Monday, January 5, 2009, and they put this question regarding “actuarial emergencies” to Colorado PERA administrators.  

A JBC document (link below) provides the specific language of the question put to Colorado PERA administrators (question #54):

“54.  Has PERA discussed what constitutes an actuarial emergency?  At what funding level would this occur?  Is declaring an actuarial emergency the only way the Association can support increasing the employee contribution to help address the unfunded liability?  Is declaring an actuarial emergency more feasible now given the financial crisis and the drop in PERA’s market valuation?

Question #58 on this document is also interesting: “Using the ARC methodology, what is the total percentage contribution, employer and employee, that PERA needs to fully fund its obligations?”

See Questions #54 and #58 on this Joint Budget Committee document:

http://www.state.co.us/gov_dir…

Sadly, I cannot find the document in which Colorado PERA provides written responses to these January 5, 2009 JBC questions on either the website of the Joint Budget Committee or Colorado PERA’s website.  (Colorado PERA invariably provides written responses to questions posed by the JBC, so the document surely exists.)  Nor is the recording of the PERA officials’ verbal responses to these questions available on the web.  I suppose that one must go to the trouble of seeking out the recording of this hearing at the Colorado State Archives in order to “discover” the opinions of Colorado PERA officials relating to “actuarial necessity” in January of 2009.  Alternatively, one could simply request the document from the “transparent” organization itself, Colorado PERA.  Until we can hear Colorado PERA’s responses to this direct question on “actuarial necessity” put at the January 5, 2009 JBC meeting we’ll have to content ourselves with our existing collection of statements on this subject by PERA officials and other interested parties during the last eight years.

DECEMBER 22, 2008 PERA JBC DOCUMENT – LEGISLATURE CANNOT REDUCE FULLY-VESTED RETIREE PENSION BENEFITS.

Colorado PERA officials have touched on this subject of actuarial necessity in other written responses provided to the Joint Budget Committee.  Some of these documents are available on the internet . . . here’s one:

This December 22, 2008 Colorado Joint Budget Committee document (page 21) provides Colorado PERA officials’ understanding of the 2004 Colorado Attorney General’s opinion relating to Colorado contractual public pension rights:

http://www.state.co.us/gov_dir…

According to Colorado PERA officials, “The AG further concluded that, once a PERA member fulfills all the statutory requirements for a pension benefit, retires and begins receiving a pension, the member’s fully vested pension right cannot be reduced by the General Assembly.”

The words of these PERA administrators (“cannot be reduced”) seem to cover many bases, including any consideration of “actuarial emergencies” as a means to break public pension contracts.

Here is the complete excerpt of the December 22, 2008 response of Colorado PERA officials:

“In addition to the need for detailed actuarial studies before making any significant adjustments, PERA referenced an Attorney General opinion from November 18, 2004, related to potential limitations that exist upon the Legislature’s ability to reduce the capacity of current employees to earn additional retirement benefits or to increase the percentage of current employees’ wages contributed to PERA.  The AG opinion concludes that the rate and amount of retirement benefits may qualify as a partially vested pension right protected by the contract clause of the constitution.  According to the AG, an adverse change to a partially vested pension right is lawful only if it is balanced by a corresponding change of a beneficial nature, a change that is actuarially necessary, or a change that strengthens or improves the pension plan.  The AG further concluded that, once a PERA member fulfills all the statutory requirements for a pension benefit, retires and begins receiving a pension, the member’s fully vested pension right cannot be reduced by the General Assembly.  Finally, the AG stated that the percentage of wages that employees contribute to PERA may qualify as a contractual right protected by the constitution, but that this legal conclusion is not certain.”

Further, Greg Smith, Colorado PERA’s General Counsel told us in a Denver Post article from November 30, 2008:  “The attorney general’s opinion seems clear that fully vested employees – those retired or with enough years of service to retire – cannot see any benefits reduced, including cost-of-living adjustments.”  

(Link: http://www.denverpost.com/news…

It is only after commencing their campaign to breach PERA retiree pension contracts that Colorado PERA officials began singing a different tune – arguing that they could breach fully-vested PERA retiree pension contracts if they had “actuarial necessity.”

A PERA document provided to the JBC on December 16, 2009 states that the PERA COLA benefit IS a contractual obligation of PERA, “The General Assembly cannot decrease the COLA (absent actuarial necessity) because it is part of the contractual obligations that accrue under a pension plan protected under the Colorado Constitution Article II, Section 11 and the United States Constitution Article 1, Section 10 for vested contractual rights.”

Link:

http://www.kentlambert.com/Fil…

(In light of these PERA statements over the last few years, their behavior is very strange.  Since Colorado PERA administrators and trustees agree that the PERA COLA IS a Colorado PERA and PERA-employer contractual obligation, and the Colorado Court of Appeals has recently ruled just that  . . . that the PERA COLA is indeed such a contractual obligation, why did Colorado PERA bother appealing this Court of Appeals ruling to the Colorado Supreme Court?)

MARCH 11, 2009 PERA JOINT FINANCE COMMITTEES DOCUMENT – LEGISLATURE HAS NOT PAID ITS ACTUARIALLY REQUIRED CONTRIBUTIONS.

On March 11, 2009, Colorado PERA officials assured members of the General Assembly’s Joint Finance Committees that: “The formal Attorney General (opinion) dated November 14, 2004 seems to suggest that employers have a contractual obligation to provide the promised benefits.”  (See link to the kentlambert.com document provided below.)

This PERA material submitted to the Joint Finance Committees is quite interesting.  In it, Colorado PERA officials warn of coming inflation on page 7: “The recent government stimulus and spending commitments have the potential to be inflationary in the future.”

(So, PERA officials expect to see inflation in the coming years?  That explains the decision of the PERA Board of Trustees to recommend cutting the contracted inflation protection of PERA retirees.  Does the PERA Board hope to simply inflate away the value of fully-vested PERA public pension contracts?)

Defendant Colorado PERA Blames Co-defendant Colorado General Assembly for Pension Underfunding.

On page 8 of the March 11, 2009 Joint Finance Committees document we find a stunning PERA statement.  In spite of the PERA Board’s past policy to underfund the PERA pension by ten percent (maintain a 90 percent funding cap, as we have seen) Colorado PERA officials place blame on the Colorado General Assembly for its failure to properly fund the pension.  On page 8, Colorado PERA officials deny culpability for the underfunding, they write: “PERA has continually informed the General Assembly about contribution deficiencies based upon the actuarially required contribution rate using a 30-year amortization period on unfunded liabilities.”

On page 3 of the document, PERA officials place more blame on the General Assembly: “Other notable factors (for the downturn in PERA’s fiscal position) include employers not contributing the actuarially determined contribution rates, the sale of purchased service credit at rates below actuarial costs, and the raising of benefits in the late 1990’s coupled with decreasing employer contributions.”  (The General Assembly enacted all of these changes to the PERA statutes.)

Five months later, on August 11, 2009, at the Denver meeting of the Colorado PERA “Listening Tour” Colorado PERA’s General Counsel Greg Smith reinforced PERA’s position blaming the Colorado General Assembly for PERA’s fiscal downturn: “We have not been paid what’s called the actuarially required contribution.”  “We’ve not been receiving that full contribution in any of our divisions for many years . . . seven years to be specific.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pera/abo…

I also found this PERA statement on page 6 of Joint Finance Committees document of interest: “PERA has increased its level of cash during the financial crises.”  So, our PERA investment professionals sold securities at the bottom?  What did this decision ultimately cost the PERA trust funds in the following years?

Here’s the link to the Joint Finance Committees document:

http://www.kentlambert.com/Fil…

AUGUST 11, 2009 COLORADO PERA TRUSTEE CASEBOLT COMMENTS – PERA IN “NO IMMEDIATE DANGER.”

Further insights into the opinion of Colorado PERA officials on “actuarial necessity” may be gleaned from the comments of Colorado PERA Board Trustee Casebolt.  Trustee Casebolt assured PERA retirees present at the August 11, 2009 Colorado PERA Denver “Listening Tour” meeting that: “PERA faces no immediate danger of being unable to pay benefits, in fact, PERA can pay benefits for many years to come, based on our current funding and our benefit structure coupled with over $30 billion in assets, at present market value.”

(Colorado PERA Trustee Casebolt told us of his belief that PERA “faces no immediate danger.”  How is it possible that an organization facing “no immediate danger” might be in an “actuarial emergency?”  For that matter, how is it possible that the 15th wealthiest state in the nation, with one of the lowest tax burdens in the nation, experiencing one of the fastest post-recession recoveries among the states might be in an “actuarial emergency”?)

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pera/abo…

AUGUST 11, 2009 COLORADO PERA GENERAL COUNSEL COMMENTS – SOME OF OUR PENSION REFORM PROPOSALS “MAY NOT BE LEGAL.”

Colorado PERA’s General Counsel Greg Smith also expounded on “actuarial necessity” during the August 11, 2009 Colorado PERA Denver “Listening Tour” meeting.

Greg Smith’s words:

“Also important is that there are constitutional limitations . . . on what the General Assembly can do with regard to benefits.”

“There’s always a big question in everybody’s mind . . . Well, what is actuarial necessity?  I wish I could answer that question for you, it’s not that I haven’t tried, not that we haven’t researched it.”

“In fact, Colorado has one of the only cases in the union that actually found a cut in benefits was acceptable due to actuarial necessity.”  “And, in that case, what the court found was, well, since the system was completely out of money, had no money, it was paying its benefits out of current contributions with no reserves, out of current operating capital.”

“So, we have to look at what component parts can we address and adjust to meet this gap, and to fill this gap.”  “We have several slides and they essentially track the lines on the feedback form that each of you have in front of you . . . and remember that we understand that some of these may not be legal, some of them may not be politically viable, but everything is on the table at this point in time, everything is being considered by the PERA Board in order to come up with a comprehensive plan to fill the gap.”

(My comment: Why did the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees put pension reform options on the table when they questioned the constitutionality of these pension reform options?  After hearing of the doubts that Colorado PERA officials had regarding the constitutionality of their pension reform proposals why did the nine members of the Colorado General Assembly who were present at this August 11, 2009 meeting and heard these doubts expressed fail to seek an interrogatory to the Colorado Supreme Court for clarity prior to enacting SB 10-001?)

JANUARY 10, 2010 SB 10-001 CO-PRIME SPONSOR COMMENTS: PERA COLA PENSION RIGHTS ARE CONTRACTUAL, WE MUST TRY TO USE THE RECENT MARKET VOLATILITY TO BREACH PERA PENSION CONTRACTS.

Senator Josh Penry (who was the co-prime sponsor of SB 10-001) had his own thoughts on the subject of “actuarial necessity.”

Link:

http://www.9news.com/rss/story…

On January 10, 2010, Senator Penry (who was Senate Minority Leader at the time) was a guest on the 9 News “Your Show” program with Adam Schrager.  About 9 minutes into this show a caller (Julian Graham) asks: “How can this occur when there is an AG opinion currently in effect that states PERA rules and regulations are considered to be a contract?”  

Adam Schrager then asks Senator Penry: “Can you do this legally?”

Senator Penry responded: “We can.  What the courts have said, what the case law and the opinions have said is you can’t.  It is a contract, unless there is actuarial necessity.”  “What the courts have said from a legal standpoint, as long as there is actuarial necessity, as long as there’s a bona fide emergency it’s OK.”  “We’re talking about a 2 percent increase year to year.  I don’t know anyone in the private sector who has seen their 401K increase by 2 percent.”

(My comment: Senator Penry made these remarks ten days into the year 2010.  During 2009, the S&P 500 total return was approximately 26 percent.  401K accounts that were at all invested in equities in 2009 had a pretty impressive return.  See this link:

http://performance.morningstar…

More from Senator Penry:

“Penry went on to say, ‘I think it is important to pass something because if you lose actuarial necessity, as you know, it becomes extremely difficult to increase retirement age.  You cannot change course and this year, when PERA’s investment numbers come out, their investment returns . . . numbers are going to be significant, like double, 15-16% investment return.  So that could change the specter of actuarial necessity.  We gotta’ do it this year or else these other structural changes won’t be possible.”

Link:

http://www.leg.state.co.us/Cli…

FALL 2005 COLORADO PERA DOCUMENT – A 59.6 PERCENT ACTUARIAL FUNDED RATIO IS NOT A “CRISIS.”

According to Colorado PERA, even a PERA actuarial funded ratio as low as the 50s or 60s is not a crisis.

From, PERA Shareholders Meeting Presentation, Fall, 2005 document:

“Note that PERA’s funded status was lower 30 years ago than it is now.  You may recall that there was no perceived “crisis” in PERA’s funded status in 1975.”

(My comment: In 1975, Colorado PERA’s actuarial funded ratio was 59.6 percent.  See page 3 of this Legislative staff document:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

Also, PERA repeated these assertions in its “PERA Update – Spring 2006” document – page 4, at this link:

https://www.copera.org/pdf/Mis…

Page 4 of this document has the History of Funding ratio chart and the following quote from PERA: “See that PERA’s (actuarial) funded status was lower (61.5 percent) 30 years ago than what it is now. You may recall that there was no perceived “crisis” in PERA’s funded status in 1975.”)

DECEMBER 17, 2009 JBC CHAIRMAN COMMENTS: IS THE LEGISLATURE CHANGING STATUTORY PENSION PARAMETERS TO CREATE “ACTUARIAL NECESSITY”?

I also recall the words of Representative Jack Pommer, JBC Chairman in 2009.  Representative Pommer asked if the Legislature could legally alter the statutory parameters of the PERA pension to manufacture a “crisis” in order to justify its breach of pension contracts.  At the December 17, 2009 meeting of the Joint Budget Committee, Representative Pommer asked: “Are we not just saying we’re going to pick 30 years (as a PERA investment time horizon) because if we’re not balanced within 30 years that creates actuarial necessity which then let’s us change retiree benefits?”

(Yet, the U.S. Supreme Court has already ruled that states cannot breach their contractual obligations in order make discretionary expenditures.  In 1977, the U.S. Supreme Court (in U.S. Trust Co, 431 U.S.) clarified that state attempts to impair their own contracts, ESPECIALLY FINANCIAL OBLIGATIONS, were subject to greater scrutiny and very little deference because the STATE’S SELF-INTEREST IS AT STAKE. As the court bluntly stated:

“A governmental entity can always find a use for extra money, especially when taxes do not have to be raised. If a state could reduce its financial obligations whenever it wanted to spend the money for what it regarded as an important public purpose, the Contract Clause would provide no protection at all . . . Thus, a state cannot refuse to meet its legitimate financial obligations simply because it would prefer to spend the money to promote the public good rather than the private welfare of its creditors.”)

COLORADO PERA GENERAL COUNSEL’S 2005 LEGAL BRIEF: COLORADO COURTS HAVE SET A “HIGH BURDEN TO MEET THE NECESSITY THRESHOLD,” COLORADO HAS NOT “RESERVED ITS POWER” TO ALTER PENSION BENEFITS RETROACTIVELY.

The opinions of Colorado PERA General Counsel Greg Smith, and Assistant Colorado Attorney General Heidi Dineen relating to the contractual nature of Colorado public pension benefits were covered in an August 17, 2005 Rocky Mountain News article:

“One of the few cases that allowed benefit cuts because of actuarial necessity was for a plan in far worse shape: the Denver fire and police pension plan.  (PERA General Counsel) Smith’s legal brief said the plan accumulated $500 million in liabilities by the late 1970s with no funds to pay the obligations. This ‘pay as you go’ practice was unsound and met the definition of an emergency, the courts decided.”

“Smith said in his opinion that ‘other (non-Colorado) courts have set a high burden to meet the necessity threshold.'”

“His briefing paper said ‘there has never been a finding in Colorado that the state has reserved its power to make changes’ in PERA’s benefit structure.”

(My comment: The Colorado PERA General Counsel’s legal brief described in this Rocky Mountain News article would make fascinating reading!)

The August 17, 2005 Rocky Mountain News article includes a few comments from Assistant Colorado Attorney General Heidi Dineen.  (Recall that Heidi Dineen’s name is on the 2004 Colorado AG opinion stating that fully-vested Colorado PERA retiree pension benefits are inviolate.)

The Assistant Colorado Attorney General Dineen believes that the Colorado General Assembly may legally raise the contribution rates of Colorado PERA-affiliated employers and active PERA members.  

From the August 17, 2005 Rocky article:

“Dineen looked instead to the PERA state statute that says, ‘Upon recommendation of the board, and with the advice of the actuary, the employer or member contribution rates for the plan may be adjusted by the General Assembly when indicated by actuarial experience.'”

“Said Dineen: ‘In my opinion, it’s right there in the statute.  Other states have increased their contribution rates without litigation, but I tell you, it’s not popular.'”

(Let’s add this Dineen idea to our quickly expanding list of “less drastic” alternatives to the breach of fully-vested PERA retiree pension contracts.)

Perlmutter Will Introduce Assault Weapons Ban

From a press release:

Today, U.S. Rep. Ed Perlmutter (CO-07) announced plans to introduce the a new, improved Assault Weapons Ban with Rep. Carolyn McCarthy (NY) when Congress returns in January.

Perlmutter has been a champion of the AWB since he was a state senator in Colorado.  Following the tragic shooting at the movie theater in Aurora, CO and most recently at the elementary school in Connecticut, he has been coordinating closely with members of the House and Sen. Diane Feinstein to prepare a responsible bill to enact an assault weapons ban which will outlaw the future sale of assault weapons while respecting the 2nd Amendment rights of responsible gun owners by exempting many firearms used for sport, hunting and personal defense.

“It’s time to do more than have a conversation about guns.  It is Congress’ responsibility to lead, and it’s time for me to take action. This is about crime control and doing what we can to deter and prevent the kinds of tragedies we’ve experienced all too often in the last few years.

I’ve heard from so many law enforcement officers, people in my district and across the Colorado and the country who want us to move forward in a responsible way limiting access to weapons belong on battlefields. Our plan to renew the assault weapons ban takes these dangerous ‘weapons of war’ off the streets while protecting the rights of responsible gun owners and keeping our citizens safe.”

Perlmutter’s bill will be the companion measure to the bill being introduced in the Senate by Sen. Diane Feinstein (CA).

For good or for bad, Perlmutter’s national profile is about to grow substantially.

Denver’s Donnell-Kay Foundation Hears Pension Reform Ideas From Pew Center.

On October 17, 2012, the Donnell-Kay Foundation held a “Hot Lunch” meeting in Denver with representatives of the Pew Center and the John Arnold Foundation.

http://www.dkfoundation.org/

My take is that Donnell-Kay is an organization that works for the betterment of Colorado’s education system, but is also an advocate for elimination of public sector defined benefit plans in favor of cash balance or defined contribution plans. I believe that Donnell-Kay finds a kindred spirit in the Pew Center/Arnold Foundation partnership.

Here’s a description of the “Hot Lunch” presentation:

“Josh B. McGee, Vice President for Public Accountability Initiatives at the Laura and John Arnold Foundation, presented ‘Affordable, Sustainable and Secure: Fixing retirement savings systems for future generations.” Also presenting at the “Hot Lunch” was David Draine, lead researcher on public sector retirement systems at the Pew Center on the States.

A Podcast of the presentation is available at a link provided by EdNewsColorado here:

http://www.ednewscolorado.org/…

And, slides from the talk are here:

http://www.dkfoundation.org/si…

I listened to the podcast and looked at the slides. I appreciated Josh McGee’s third slide titled “Colorado Pension Plans – Recommended and Actual Contributions.” This slide addresses the shortfall in the Colorado General Assembly’s annual required public pension contributions over the last decade. (Later in the presentation, David Draine of the Pew Center states that the Colorado General Assembly has underfunded Colorado PERA by $3.5 billion from 2000 to 2011.)

On Josh McGee’s seventh slide he suggests that: “The unfunded (pension) liability should be viewed as government debt.” (Agreed . . . in fact, I’ve noticed that Colorado’s TABOR amendment implicitly recognizes public pension obligations as state “debt,” not to mention Colorado case law, AG opinions, etc.)

On later slides Josh McGee presents the John Arnold Foundation’s advocacy of cash balance and defined contribution plans.

An ednewscolorado.org article covering the “Hot Lunch” presentation quotes David Draine on the reasons for Colorado PERA’s financial downturn: “Contributions weren’t made, benefit increases weren’t paid for and investment returns didn’t materialize, he (Draine) said.”

A person named “Marilyn Sweet” has the following comment (in the comment section) under the ednewscolorado.org article covering the Hot Lunch presentation:

“This article fails to mention that in 2000 the Republican governor and legislators made PERA refund money to employees in the form of Matchmaker which gave us each $40 a month in refunds from the pension system. The fund was 102% funded and apparently this was unbearable to the Repubs. The problem stems from the lawmakers messing with a good system and not ‘banking’ during the good years. Poor business practice at best. Don’t blame the retirees for this shortsightedness.”

(My understanding is that EdNewsColorado is funded by Donnell-Kay.)

In my opinion, the Pew Center appears to be ready to save public resources through the breach of public pension contracts where possible (see comments below in support of pension reforms adopted in Rhode Island and San Jose that seized contracted pension COLA benefits.)

Now for a few quotations from the podcast. David Draine of the Pew Center on the States:

“From 2000 to 2011 contributions from state and local governments in Colorado fell short of what they should have been by $3.5 billion.”

“Ultimately these benefit promises will need to get paid.”

“It is also clear that the longer states delay the more painful the fiscal impact will be.”

(This statement calls to mind an observation from the Illinois pension reform debate:

” . . . a short-lived pension reform that is invalidated by court order after protracted litigation . . . would be a disservice to the taxpayers.”

Gino L. DiVito, Tabet DiVito & Rothstein LLC, Chicago, ILL)

In his talk, David Draine also sang the praises of the San Jose and Rhode Island pension reform efforts (which, by the way, included COLA theft.) Finally, he noted that PERA’s new leader, Greg Smith, was also present at the hearing. As a newly anointed Executive Director, where does Greg Smith intend to take Colorado PERA next?

Josh McGee, of the John Arnold Foundation then spoke. Here are a few quotations:

“We’ve promised one thing and funded something completely different.”

“There is an incentive to underfund these systems.”

(I found it interesting that Josh McGee commented on the loss in pension wealth that his wife [who is teacher] incurred when the couple chose to move from Arkansas to Texas.)

Josh McGee then pointed out the benefits of cash balance and defined contribution plans, and said that the costs of transitioning to a new public pension system is a “red herring.”

“There are no costs to transitioning” to a new plan system.

So, in my opinion, it appears that the Pew Center and the John Arnold Foundation are not attempting to provide objective public policy research . . . they are advocates for specific policy solutions to the public pension underfunding problem, and are apparently apologists for the breach of public pension contracts. (Nothing wrong with being an advocate as long as you let people know!)

Here’s a link to a Josh Mcgee paper recommending DC plans, Cash Balance plans, and Hybrid pension plans:

http://arnoldfoundation.org/si…

Here’s the Donnell-Kay’s position on Colorado PERA:

“The current pension system (PERA) provides none of these assurances; it ensures that salaries are held low, that once a person enters the teaching profession, for example, that they should stay for their entire lifetime, that there is only one way to save for retirement and that wildly optimistic earnings projections will mask a system that is and never will be fully funded.”

Link:

http://www.dkfoundation.org/ou…

Colorado Politicians Seek Raises for Colorado Politicians

First off, I want to say that I support bringing the salaries of Colorado state department heads up to a reasonable level, comparable with their peers in other states. Also, I recognize that the proposed salary hikes for Colorado politicians would not apply to current office holders.

There . . . I’m making a point to be scrupulously honest (as an example to the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees and PERA administrators) even if this complete honesty detracts from my argument. Unlike the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees, I am forgoing the opportunity to misrepresent by omission. More on that later.

Today’s Denver Post is reporting that state politicians are considering legislation to hike salaries and provide cost-of-living increases for . . . state politicians.

Link to Denver Post article:

http://www.denverpost.com/ci_2…

“Democratic state Sen. Pat Steadman plans to carry legislation next session to hike salaries for the executive branch, but he hasn’t yet decided whether to include a pay raise for state legislators, who earn $30,000 annually. ‘I’m still considering how far to go with this, but at the minimum I am looking at raising the pay of the five constitutional officers,’ the Denver lawmaker said.”

“‘Something needs to be done,’ (Colorado Attorney General) Suthers said. ‘We’re not just low anymore. We’re off the radar.'”

“And Steadman said he plans to craft the bill so that office-holders who win re-election in 2014 wouldn’t be eligible for the raise either. Only successful challengers and the new attorney general would get the pay increase.”

“Hickenlooper’s spokesman, Eric Brown, said the governor is ‘generally supportive of salary increases for the next office-holders, particularly the attorney general.'”

“State Sen. Ted Harvey, R-Highlands Ranch, said he would support a raise for the executive branch because members are ‘woefully undercompensated,’ but he doesn’t support an increase for legislators.”

(My comment: For the record, Senator Harvey opposed the breach of Colorado PERA pensioner contracts on the Senate floor during the SB 10-001 debate. Senator Harvey’s words: “We have made a commitment. We have a contract with current retirees. That is already in place.” “Reforms should be made for new hires.” “We do not have that commitment to new hires.”)

Back to the Denver Post article:

“But former state Sen. Dave Schultheis said it’s time. The Colorado Springs Republican, known for his conservative fiscal positions, has long advocated that legislative pay be boosted and tied to cost-of-living increases.” ‘These legislators are sacrificing quite a bit as it is, being away from their families,’ he said. ‘Having the pay remain at the 1999 level is not appropriate.'”

(My comment: It means something that former State Senator Dave Schultheis supports salary COLAs for state legislators. Schultheis is the “conservative’s conservative” [I mean that in a good way].

Although this argument to bring public office salary levels up to par may have merit . . . the timing of this proposal is ludicrous. It is completely insensate and rather poor form to propose discretionary increases in the salaries of state politicians WHEN THE STATE IS IN BREACH OF CONTRACT!

It’s like going out to buy that 50-inch flat screen at WalMart, when you’ve just missed your mortgage payment.

Are Colorado legislators unaware that the State of Colorado is in breach of public pension contracts? It seems so. FYI, legislators, as I write this blog post the State of Colorado is in Breach of Contract. Legislators, the Colorado Court of Appeals recently held the following: “We consider McPhail and Bills dispositive (indisputably bringing to a conclusion a legal controversy) of whether plaintiffs here have a contractual right to a particular COLA.” In the cases McPhail and Bills, the Colorado Supreme Court “found a contractual right based on members’ provision of services and contributions to the retirement fund.”

As a member of the General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee, Senator Steadman should be aware of the state’s contract breach and act accordingly. He seems to have no recognition of the distinction between mandatory expenditures to meet the state’s contractual obligations, and discretionary expenditures by the General Assembly.

While the State of Colorado is in breach of contract, the General Assembly should not continue to make annual $100 million discretionary grants for property tax relief. Over the past two decades the General Assembly should have been adequately funding contractual PERA pension obligations instead of pumping ONE-HALF BILLION DOLLARS into local government pensions that are not the obligation of the State of Colorado, not the state’s responsibility at all. I realize that Colorado voters and the General Assembly have decimated the state’s revenue base over the past two decades, but Colorado voters cannot empower the General Assembly to violate the Colorado and U.S. constitutions. As we shall see shortly, (tomorrow maybe) even Colorado PERA administrators blame their co-defendant General Assembly for the mismanagement of PERA public pension obligations.

Now, back to the “honesty” of the organization, Colorado PERA.

The PERA Board recently submitted an appeal brief to the Colorado Supreme Court in the case Justus v. State. In my opinion, this appeal brief includes a number of attempts to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court. For convenience, I summarize this deceit below – presenting what I consider to be the ugliest of the Colorado PERA attempts to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court (apologies to those of you who are already very familiar with these PERA attempts at deception.)

The Colorado PERA “Market-Based” Pension Statistics Deception:

In their Colorado Supreme Court brief, Colorado PERA fails to identify the funded ratios they cite as “market-based” funded ratios. I believe that Colorado PERA representatives hope to misdirect the Colorado Supreme Court by diverting the court’s attention away from the “actuarial funded ratios” that PERA administrators have used historically and that are employed in SB 10-001, the subject of the current litigation.

See page 3 of this legislative memorandum for some historical perspective on PERA’s funding status:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

I believe that it is Colorado PERA’s intent to use “market-based” funded ratios to exaggerate the financial condition of the Colorado PERA trust funds in an attempt to bolster their case for the breach of PERA pensioner contracts. I consider Colorado PERA’s use of “market-based” funded ratios an attempt to mislead the Colorado Supreme Court, hindering its efforts to find the truth.

Note: Colorado PERA representatives should tread carefully here . . . Colorado Supreme Court rules state that “There are circumstances where failure to make a disclosure is the equivalent of an affirmative misrepresentation.”

The Colorado PERA “COLAs as Unchangeable” Red Herring:

A second deception that I believe is present in the Colorado PERA Supreme Court brief is PERA’s continued use of its “COLAs as unchangeable” red herring from its earlier court briefs. PERA administrators and trustees know quite well that Colorado PERA pensioners have never claimed that their COLA benefits are “unchangeable,” rather PERA pensioners have objected to the REDUCTION of their contracted COLA benefits. PERA retirees suffer no harm when their COLA benefits are improved in statute.

This particular Colorado PERA tactic of deception has already been exposed by the Colorado Court of Appeals. In reversing the Denver District Court decision, the Colorado Court of Appeals specifically ordered the lower court to ignore PERA’s attempted deception.

From the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision: “We note, however, that plaintiffs contend that they have a reasonable expectation of an irreducible (not, as defendants assert, an unchangeable) COLA. Therefore, we direct the district court to consider whether there has been a substantial impairment with that in mind.” It is astonishing, but Colorado PERA still will not give up this particular line of deception.

Colorado PERA’s Implication that Current PERA Members Will Work Longer Under SB 10-001:

Representatives of Colorado PERA write in the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief: “Current and future employees will pay the highest rates in PERA’s history while working up to a decade longer before retirement.”

In my opinion, this Colorado PERA assertion in its Supreme Court Brief is indisputably designed to mislead the Colorado Supreme Court. Under SB 10-001, age and service requirements for PERA retirement eligibility were NOT altered for current vested employees. Age and service requirements were extended for future hires [notably, those to whom Colorado PERA has no contractual obligations]. Current PERA members will work not one day longer before retirement under the provisions of SB 10-001.

In my opinion, PERA representatives intend, in this sentence, to leave the reader with the impression that current, active, vested PERA members will work longer prior to achieving retirement eligibility under SB 10-001. That is simply untrue.

“Dwelling on the nuances does not win the favor of dittoheads”

The Editorial Page Editor of the Colorado Springs Gazette, Wayne Laugesen, caught my attention last month when he pointed out that talk radio is “viewed, right or wrong, as part of the GOP, a big part of the GOP.”

This, he said, has hurt Republicans among Hispanics.

I asked Laugesen whether the damage caused by talk radio goes beyond Hispanics, to women or environmentalists, for example.

“I think a lot of good comes out of conservative talk radio,” he told me “But it can be a double-edged sword. That which gets ratings is not always in the best interest of those trying to win elections. Trying to find a niche on the radio is different from trying to put together a coalition of voters to win an election.”

I called Laugesen after listening to him on a talk radio show yesterday, where he had this exchange with radio host Jason Worley on KLZ’s Grassroots Radio Colorado yesterday:

Gardner acknowledges (and demonstrates) GOP PR problem on fiscal cliff

Sometimes KNUS’ Steve Kelley seems embarrassed by his own morning rants and rages against Obama and the nasty Democrats. The other day he asked, “Do you really want to hear a rant from middle-aged white guy?”

Kelley’s current behavior looks different from what you heard during of his 19-year career at KOA, where he at least acted like he didn’t have the answers.

But Kelley’s more level-headed roots return when he conducts interviews, which usually feature straight-forward questions you’d want, but don’t expect, from someone seated behind a microphone.

This morning, for example, during his Kelley and Company show, he asked Rep. Cory Gardner this really good question:

Kelley: Why do you guys [Republicans] seem to be losing the PR battle [on the fiscal cliff]? I mean, it’s so easy to blame a Republican, but it seems to stick to you?

Gardner: Well, you know, it’s tough. We’ve got to do a better job of messaging and explaining to people who are in the middle class, people who are lower income earners, that people who will be affected by this tax increase are people like you, people who are working hard to make ends meet, people who are struggling to pay the mortgage, because their business are going to be hard hit. That’s going to result in lower take home pay because the businesses they work with are suffering and struggling to bear the burden of the tax increases. That’s the bottom line and so the President controls the bully pulpit, regardless of who it is in the White House, whether it is a Democrat or a Republican. They have a tremendous opportunity to shape the outlines of the message.

Listen to audio of Rep. Gardner talking fiscal cliff on Denver radio station KNUS 710 AM on 12-11-12

Kelley was on the right track, but to get to the heart of the GOP’s fiscal-cliff PR/substance problem, Kelley should have contrasted Gardner’s head-spinning response with Obama’s crisp lines on the topic, which he delivered at a rally Monday:

Obama: “We can solve this problem. All Congress needs to do is pass a law that would prevent a tax hike on the first $250,000 of everybody’s income,” he said. “When you put it all together, what you need is a package that keeps taxes where they are for middle class families, we make some tough spending cuts on things that we don’t need, and then we ask the wealthiest Americans to pay a slightly higher tax rate.”

In another question, which Kelley didn’t acknowledge actually related to his previous question about the GOP’s PR problem, Kelley asked Gardner whether he’d compromise on a tax increase:

Gardner: “We cannot agree to a tax increase. That is not the solution. That is not going to solve our $16 trillion debt. That’s what I am urging our leaders, Speaker Boehner and others, to make sure they are adhering to…I think he knows that the [Republican] conference does not support a tax increase, that there is no will to increase taxes amongst the Republican Party and the House majority.”

That’s obviously part of the Republican PR problem on the fiscal cliff, but Kelley didn’t get into the fundamentals.

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