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Journalists’ “likes,” “friends,” “retweets,” etc. on social media do not reflect bias

On  his profile on his Facebook page, Denver Post Politics Editor Chuck Plunkett writes:

Please note. As a journalist using social media, my following or friending or liking — and in some cases even retweeting or reposting — is not always meant as an endorsement.

This  is a shorter version of a post Plunkett wrote shortly before the election on Facebook:

Friends. I’ve been asked about this a couple of times in recent days, as we are now fully in the final throes of the Election season. The question is whether as a journalist who covers politics it is correct for me to “like” the Obama page or the Romney page. (And I “like” them both.) The problem is that is how Facebook defines what you have to do to follow a page. That’s not — in most cases — how I would describe my interest. I might genuinely “like” a band, for example. But a politician? It’s not the same thing. I’d like to expand on what I have long indicated on my Facebook profile — which probably not everyone reads. For years now, since my earliest origins with Facebook,  I have contained in my profile the disclaimer that as a journalist using social media I “friend” and “follow” and “subscribe” and “like” and “retweet” and etc. all manner of people, groups, media, politicians, movements, companies, nonprofits, etc. But my doing so is NOT meant as an endorsement. Rather, I do so in order to see their posts in order to watch for news and whatnot. Increasingly, politicians use social media in the place of the old-school press release or statement. To not follow risks missing something — not that I don’t miss things even when I follow, given what has become the enormous success of these kinds of sites. I hope this makes sense. Bottom line: I do not endorse any politician or political party and do not advocate for any of them either. I have much better things to do with my time.

To me, that’s common sense, but it’s good Plunkett spells it out for us.

You say, still, what if a guy like Plunkett “likes” or “friends” 100 right-wing groups and 25 lefty ones? What if he re-tweets Scott Gessler (as if Gessler doesn’t tweet his own horn often enough)? Does it mean he favors the right?

It means little or nothing. You don’t know what Plunkett is up to or where he’s getting information, unless you’re a mind reader, and mind readers are the worst kind of media critics–though they are a common kind.

Re-posting, and retweeting, even “likes,” by other public figures, like politicians, invite questions, however.

The bottom line is, for journalists, if you think they lean one way or the other, evaluate their actual factual work. Is it fair? Is it accurate?

It’s Time To “Get Serious,” Is It?

CBS News’ Brian Montopoli writes this morning:

Boehner and the rest of the House Republican leadership laid out their offer in a letter to the president earlier this week. It said Republicans would cut a total of $1.2 trillion in spending, but it does not actually say what would be cut. The letter broadly says that the cuts would follow those put forth in what was called “the Bowles plan,” a reference to Democrat Erskine Bowles, who quickly put out a statement saying that the letter does not represent his beliefs. (Republicans were referencing testimony that Bowles gave to the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction last year. That testimony represented Bowles’ understanding of the midpoint between the two sides at the time; he noted Monday that “circumstances have changed since then.”)

Let’s give House Republicans the benefit of the doubt and assume they are calling for the cuts articulated last year by Bowles. His testimony called for roughly $600 billion in Medicare savings, in part from raising the Medicare eligibility age, $300 billion in other discretionary spending cuts, and $300 billion in cuts to other mandatory spending programs.

Despite GOP claims that they represent a middle ground, there is simply no reason Democrats would agree to these cuts. Here’s why: If the nation goes off the fiscal cliff, it faces $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts split between domestic spending and military spending. Republicans are effectively proposing to keep the cuts but focus them entirely areas that Democrats want to protect: Domestic spending and other entitlements. Meanwhile, under the GOP plan, there would be no cuts to defense programs — the area Republicans want to protect. Why on earth would Democrats agree to a deal in which all the cuts are made to their priorities when they could simply do nothing and let the pain be shared by both sides?

Now to be fair, Montopoli doesn’t completely single out Republicans for blame in the present impasse over a budget deal to prevent sweeping automatic budget cuts and tax hikes set to take effect at the end of the year. According to this analysis, President Barack Obama’s aggressive stand in favor of resetting the present 35% top federal income tax rate to the Clinton-era 39.5%–again, only on income over $250,000–is “far from what Republicans could swallow.”

But it’s at least a specific proposal; more than John Boehner can deliver.

When it comes to new revenue – aka, additional money coming into the government – Boehner has set a target of $800 billion. This is not insignificant: The offer has already prompted howls from some on the right who oppose any new revenue. But it is also less than substantive, since Boehner declines to say how he would make the cuts — he merely says they should come through “pro-growth tax reform that closes special-interest loopholes and deductions while lowering rates.” Does that mean getting rid of the mortgage interest deduction? Capping charitable deductions? The letter doesn’t say. [Pols emphasis]

With polling decisively indicating once again that intransigent Republicans will take the blame in the event of a failure to reach an agreement, what we have here is the equivalent of Paul Ryan’s infamous “budget with no numbers”–a proposal that really isn’t even a proposal, yet is nevertheless being insistently represented as a good-faith attempt at reaching an agreement.

Bottom line: both sides may be taking a hard line with a few weeks left to negotiate, but there’s a difference between doing so with specifics, and wasting everyone’s time. The polls say the public gets the difference, just as polls show that voters favor Obama’s proposal for raising taxes on high income earners while minimizing cuts to Medicare and Social Security.

With all this in mind, back to Boehner’s call to “get serious.”

This Won’t End Well: Republicans Trying to Control Tea Party

A lot has been written today about the Tea Party and the problems it continues to cause the wing of the Republican Party that may actually be interested in governing. First, from “The Fix“:

Almost four years removed from its initial stirrings, the tea party movement finds itself riven by internal discord, without some of its most prominent leaders and faced with a party establishment that seems ready to abandon it – or at least buck its wishes – in the face of the 2012 election results.

“The Tea party has the opportunity to remain a leading force in American politics, but to do so, it must mature, take the next step and prove it can be part of a coalition that can actually govern,” said Jesse Benton, a longtime adviser to retiring Rep. Ron Paul and now campaign  manager for Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell’s 2014 re-election race. “After two cycles, it’s not enough to just be the angry people waving Gadsden Flags and yelling about Washington.”…

…One senior Republican party strategist, granted anonymity to speak candidly about the future of the tea party movement, expressed concern that while the tea party was at a “low point” today, the coming legislative fights in Congress could lead to a renaissance in the movement.

“What I worry about is that the fiscal cliff/debt ceiling negotiations become like TARP, which is what started this,” said the GOP strategist. “We get a deal that is good for the country but our base goes crazy and it gets them all ginned up again.”

As we’ve written before in this space, moderate Republican leaders understand all too well that the Tea Party is crippling their chances of winning back control from Democrats on both the national and state level. Republican leaders are doing what they can to weaken the influence of Tea Party-backed elected officials, but we don’t see a happy ending here. As the Associated Press reports:

House Speaker John Boehner’s decision to take plum committee assignments away from four conservative Republican lawmakers after they bucked party leaders on key votes isn’t going over well with advocacy groups that viewed them as role models.

Reps. Tim Huelskamp of Kansas and Justin Amash of Michigan will lose their seats on the House Budget Committee chaired by Rep. Paul Ryan next year. And Reps. Walter Jones of North Carolina and David Schweikert of Arizona are losing their seats on the House Financial Services Committee.

The move is underscoring a divide in the Republican Party between tea party-supported conservatives and the House GOP leadership.

“This is a clear attempt on the part of Republican leadership to punish those in Washington who vote the way they promised their constituents they would – on principle – instead of mindlessly rubber-stamping trillion dollar deficits and the bankrupting of America,” said Matt Kibbe, president of the tea party group FreedomWorks.

When you add this news to the fracturing of Speaker Boehner’s caucus and the seemingly rudderless GOP Senate leadership, you’ve got a nice recipe for a crap casserole. We’ve said it before: The Tea Party is absolutely killing the Republican Party. They had a nice honeymoon in the 2010 midterm elections, but it’s been all downhill ever since.

And the GOP has no idea how to stop it.

American Muslims to GOP: Change or Lose Our Votes, Permanently

“Do I really need to spell this out for you?” is traditionally a rhetorical question.

But, when the subject at hand is American Muslims’ votes, the GOP consistently answers, “Yes.” Whether Republicans are inviting internationally infamous Islamophobes to speak at the Western Conservative Summit, or turning a deaf ear when voters reject Islamophobic GOP incumbents, they simply don’t seem to see any reason to mend fences or bury hatchets. In 2012, 85% of Muslim votes went to President Obama, a statistic Republican commentators prefer to use in their attacks on the President, rather than as the wake-up call it should be to their party.

A coalition of American Muslim organizations has formed to send a message directly to the GOP, starting with a full-page ad in the conservative Washington Times, spelling it out for Republicans.

According to the Council on American Islamic Relations (in a press release received by email):

That open letter to the GOP states in part:

“We are writing to offer an open invitation to reassess your party’s current relationship with American Muslims. As with other demographics, American Muslim support for Republicans has dropped precipitously in recent years. This shift away from the GOP is not set in stone, but its future direction is dependent on choices your party makes.”

In other words: Put Islamophobes in the corner, or face a future where Muslims are permanently stationed outside your “big tent,” voting consistently for Democrats.

Where Are Those “More Tax Cuts for Millionaires!” Protests?

You may recall one of the most effective organizations supporting the re-election of George W. Bush was Billionaires for Bush!

The billionaires trailed Bush and Cheney around the country, with signs like “It’s a Class War and We’re Winning” and “Widen the Income Gap.” The billionaires liked to say they paid for eight years of Bush, and so throwing him out after four years was a rip-off.

I was thinking about Billionaires for Bush when I saw a roundup of news coverage from around the country of protests Saturday against extending tax cuts for the top two percent.

They weren’t giant demonstrations, but you had 25, 50, 100 people in dozens of venues. In Colorado, there were about 25 folks in Grand Junction and about 50 people in front of Fava’s restaurant in Aurora.

COLORADO PERA ATTEMPTS TO DECEIVE THE COLORADO SUPREME COURT.

Both the plaintiffs and the defendants in the Colorado public pension case, Justus v. State, have appealed to the Colorado Supreme Court.  

To recap, in 2010, the Colorado Legislature breached its contracts for pension COLA benefits owed to retired, long-time employees . . . the retired employees immediately sued.  In 2011, a lower court determined that the retired employees did not have a contractual right to their pension COLA benefits . . . the retired employees immediately appealed this ruling to the Colorado Court of Appeals.  In 2012, the Colorado Court of Appeals read Colorado pension case law, and determined that the retired employees (as they had been told for 30 years) did indeed have a contractual right to their pension COLA benefits, but that the lower court should apply a test to determine if it was acceptable for the State to seize their property.  Thus, we arrive at the present, with the State of Colorado and its pension-administering arm (Colorado PERA) still seeking to breach contracts with long-time retired employees, and the retired employees unwilling to lie down quietly for a fleecing.

These retired employees want the Colorado Supreme Court to decide that they have a contractual right to their pension COLA benefit, and that under Colorado law, this right is independent of any test for acceptable state seizure of their contracted pension benefits that may be applied.  The State of Colorado and Colorado PERA liked the lower court ruling, that retirees have no contractual right to the pension COLA (even though, unfortunately for their case PERA has put it in writing that the retirees do have such a contractual right.)  Both sides have appealed to the Colorado Supreme Court.

In this article, I will expose what are, in my opinion, deliberate attempts on the part of this pension administrator, Colorado PERA, to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court.  

Colorado PERA is an organization that boasts about its “transparency.”  Having read Colorado PERA’s submission to the Colorado Supreme Court in the case Justus v. State, I am ready to concede that Colorado PERA has achieved a measure of “transparency.”  

While reading PERA’s brief submitted to the Colorado Supreme Court I was impressed by the “transparency” of PERA’s deception.

(I’ll address what I believe are deceptions included in the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief later in this article, but first, a look at the Colorado Supreme Court’s rules relating to candor.)

After I put down the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief, I picked up a copy of the Colorado Supreme Court’s Rules of Professional Conduct and read about the duty of candor before the court.

Here’s a link to the Colorado Supreme Court Rules of Professional Conduct:

http://www.coloradosupremecour…

Admittedly, I am a layperson, so I have no idea of what constitutes acceptable tactics in civil litigation.  And, we should not forget that all attorneys have an obligation to “zealously” defend the interests of their clients.  However, without drawing any firm conclusions, read a few of the excerpts that I have taken from the Colorado Supreme Court Rules below, and see if you do not agree me that Colorado PERA is walking very close to the ethical line.

From the Colorado Supreme Court Rules of Professional Conduct:

“An advocate (attorney) is responsible for pleadings and other documents prepared for litigation, but is usually not required to have personal knowledge of matters asserted therein, for litigation documents ordinarily present assertions by the client, or by someone on the client’s behalf, and not assertions by the lawyer.”

(My comment: My interpretation of this Colorado Supreme Court rule relating to candor of attorneys is that it is the responsibility of the client [here, Colorado PERA] to be forthright in providing information to the attorney.  In my opinion, Colorado PERA is attempting to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court.  Accordingly, I hold Colorado PERA entirely responsible for the deception I perceive in their Supreme Court Brief, and find no fault with the attorneys PERA has also deceived.  Actually, I feel a bit sorry for the attorneys.  What were all those years in school for?  To try and break clear contractual rights of old people?)

More from the Rules of Professional Conduct:

“There are circumstances where failure to make a disclosure is the equivalent of an affirmative misrepresentation.”

“A lawyer shall not knowingly: (3) offer evidence that the lawyer knows to be false.  If a lawyer, the lawyer’s client, or witness called by the lawyer has offered material evidence and the lawyer comes to know of its falsity, the lawyer shall take reasonable remedial measures, including, if necessary, disclosure to the tribunal.”

(My comment: I have covered Colorado PERA’s attempts at deception through the use of statistics, in particular the “market-based” pension funded ratio . . . ad nauseam.  But, PERA has high hopes for this line of deceit and stubbornly refuses to give it up.  I don’t believe that the “market-based” funded ratio that Colorado PERA uses in its Supreme Court Brief is “false.”  ‘Market-based’ funded ratios are one measure of the fiscal soundness of public pensions.  However; in my opinion Colorado PERA uses this “market-based” funded ratio in the Supreme Court Brief in attempt to mislead the Colorado Supreme Court.  I do think this is a ridiculous and sophomoric tactic, since the Colorado Supreme Court will surely discover the attempt to deceive.

Colorado PERA uses the “market-based” funded ratio in its Supreme Court Brief to exaggerate the financial condition of the PERA trust funds with hopes of bolstering its case to breach pensioner contracts.  Colorado PERA fails to identify the funded ratio it cites a number of times in its Colorado Supreme Court Brief as a “market-based” funded ratio, and thus, I believe intends to deceive the court.  

PERA intends to deceive the Supreme Court by failing to inform the court that the funded ratios used in the legislation subject to court scrutiny (SB 10-001) are “actuarial funded ratios (AFR),” and that AFRs have traditionally been used by Colorado PERA to measure the funded status of the PERA trust funds.  PERA has almost exclusively used AFRs in the past.  It is only at the beginning of the PERA campaign to breach pensioner contracts that PERA began using “market-based” funded ratios.  The funded ratio in the title of the bill, SB 10-001 is an actuarial funded ratio.  I return to “market-based” funded ratios at the end of this article.)

More from the Rules of Professional Conduct:

“This Rule sets forth the special duties of lawyers as officers of the court to avoid conduct that undermines the integrity of the adjudicative process.”

“. . . the lawyer must not allow the tribunal to be misled by false statements of law or fact or evidence that the lawyer knows to be false.”

“A lawyer acting as an advocate in an adjudicative proceeding has an obligation to present the client’s case with persuasive force.”

“Paragraph (a)(3) requires that the lawyer refuse to offer evidence that the lawyer knows to be false, regardless of the client’s wishes. This duty is premised on the lawyer’s obligation as an officer of the court to prevent the trier of fact from being misled by false evidence.”  

“The prohibition against offering false evidence only applies if the lawyer knows that the evidence is false.”

“Thus, although a lawyer should resolve doubts about the veracity of testimony or other evidence in favor of the client, the lawyer cannot ignore an obvious falsehood.”

“Although paragraph (a)(3) only prohibits a lawyer from offering evidence the lawyer knows to be false, it permits the lawyer to refuse to offer testimony or other proof that the lawyer reasonably believes is false.  Offering such proof may reflect adversely on the lawyer’s ability to discriminate in the quality of evidence and thus impair the lawyer’s effectiveness as an advocate.”

“But the alternative is that the lawyer cooperates in deceiving the court, thereby subverting the truth-finding process which the adversary system is designed to implement.”

“Fair competition in the adversary system is secured by prohibitions against destruction or concealment of evidence . . .”

Now . . . let’s take a look at the new Colorado PERA Brief submitted to the Colorado Supreme Court.

COLORADO PERA’S SUPREME COURT BRIEF – AN ATTEMPT TO SUBVERT THE COLORADO SUPREME COURT’S “TRUTH-FINDING PROCESS.”

Sadly, Colorado PERA repeats many of the same deceptions in its Supreme Court Brief that have been included in earlier briefs it has submitted to the Denver District Court and the Colorado Court of Appeals.  (What is it with deception in legal briefs?   Is this standard operating procedure?  I am amazed!)

Below I provide what I believe are significant excerpts from the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief and my comments on those excerpts.

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The decision also has wider implications on the legislature and the State: the creation of enforceable public contracts by statute despite the intent and historical practice of the legislature and the reasonable expectations of the parties.”

“Plaintiffs could have no reasonable expectation that ever-changing COLA formulas would freeze, for the first time, when they retired.”

(My comment: PERA attorneys, EVEN YOUR CLIENT HAS THESE EXPECTATIONS . . . THAT THE COLA BENEFIT IS AN ENFORCEABLE PUBLIC CONTRACT!  If Colorado PERA, your client, has these expectations, why should PERA pensioners not also have these expectations?  PERA attorneys, please take a minute to read the words of your client provided in testimony to the General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee.  Your client put it in writing that PERA pensioners have a contractual right to their COLA benefits.  Colorado PERA believes that pensioners have such a contractual right . . . that belief goes beyond a “reasonable expectation.”

Colorado PERA in a written document, to the Colorado General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee on December 16, 2009 states that the PERA COLA benefit IS a contractual obligation of PERA, “The General Assembly cannot decrease the COLA (absent actuarial necessity) because it is part of the contractual obligations that accrue under a pension plan protected under the Colorado Constitution Article II, Section 11 and the United States Constitution Article 1, Section 10 for vested contractual rights.”

Link:

http://www.kentlambert.com/Fil…

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“But this mandatory language bound the PERA administrator while the statutes were in effect-not future legislatures.”

(My comment:  Heads up PERA attorneys, as noted above, the “PERA administrator” you refer to here has testified to the Colorado General Assembly [and helpfully reduced this testimony to writing] that PERA’s pension COLA benefits ARE INDEED a contractual obligation.

PERA attorneys, your client doesn’t believe your argument that the statutes only bind the “pension administrator.”  Your client wrote that the General Assembly cannot decrease the contracted COLA . . . THAT THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IS BOUND, not the pension administrator.  Did this not come up in your meetings with your client?  Your client’s testimony is on the record, it has been recorded at the Legislature.  It is not going to simply disappear.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The General Assembly considered readjusting the COLA for retirees as the last option, only after it became evident that no other viable contribution and benefit changes could prevent the pension fund from running out of money.”

(My comment: As you know, I believe that the General Assembly reduced the contracted PERA COLA benefit from retirees [thus breaching pensioner contracts] as a FIRST OPTION.  I believe that the General Assembly created a faГ§ade of deliberation to mask a predetermined attempt to breach the PERA pension COLA contractual obligation.

Colorado PERA contends that “no other viable contribution and benefit changes” were available.  In reality, no other POLITICALLY viable contribution and benefit changes were available.  Colorado PERA left the determination of the pension breach strategy to the 17-member PERA Contract Breach Lobbying Troop.

Here at saveperacola.com, dozens of viable “less drastic” alternatives to pension contract breach have been documented.  Numerous states have demonstrated for Colorado PERA the path to legal, prospective pension reform.  These options were ignored by Colorado PERA and the General Assembly.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The (District) court held: ‘While Plaintiffs unarguably have a contractual right to their PERA pension itself . . .’

(My comment: As I noted last year, I am curious as to how the Denver District Court arrived at this conclusion that “plaintiffs unarguably have a contractual right to their PERA pension itself” without citing either the McPhail or Bills cases in its decision?  On what authority did the Denver District Court base this determination?  Was it pulled out of thin air?)

In the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief, PERA’s attorneys write in regard to the pension cases McPhail and Bills: “Those dated cases are distinguishable.”

(My comment:  Let’s get this straight for the record: Colorado PERA’s attorneys believe that the Colorado Supreme Court decisions in McPhail and Bills that address the contractual nature [under the COLORADO constitution’s Contract Clause] of post-retirement benefit increases for retired public employees who have vested rights in Colorado public pensions are “distinguishable,” and that the Supreme Court should not rely on their own authority.

Instead, Colorado PERA’s attorneys argue that the Colorado Supreme Court should rely on a case [DeWitt] that addressed a “statutory revocation of a testator’s former wife’s interest in a life insurance policy” based on FEDERAL Contract Clause authority, a case in no manner involving “vested rights to employee benefits,” a case concerning the “retroactive application of a Uniform Probate Code provision which automatically revoked the designation of a divorced spouse as a life insurance beneficiary.”  Got it?)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The result is contrary to legal precedent governing the legislature’s formation of public contracts with private individuals, and has far reaching implications because it binds the hands of this and all future legislatures which, under the court of appeals’ decision, are now bound by a contract the legislature did not intend to enter.”

(My comment: The Court of Appeals ruling is not contrary to legal precedent.  As noted earlier in the PERA Colorado Supreme Court Brief, Colorado pension precedents have existed for more than fifty years . . . McPhail and Bills.

The Colorado General Assembly has been aware of this pension precedent for half a century.  The General Assembly has known for decades that public pension benefits are its contractual obligations.  Thus, the General Assembly has for decades amended the PERA statutes in a careful manner that does not impair its PERA pensioner contracts.  For fifty years, the General Assembly has known of its contractual pension obligations.  The General Assembly has adopted legal, prospective PERA pension reforms in the past to diminish its pension unfunded liabilities.  If the General Assembly wanted to further diminish its contractual pension obligations, it had the opportunity to do so through the adoption of additional legal, prospective pension reforms over all of these decades.)

From the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision: Plaintiffs are Not Claiming an UNCHANGEABLE COLA – Plaintiffs are Claiming an IRREDUCIBLE COLA.  

This concept is obviously difficult for Colorado PERA administrators to grasp.  It was not difficult for the Colorado Court of Appeals.

From the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision:

“We note, however, that plaintiffs contend that they have a reasonable expectation of an irreducible (not, as defendants assert, an unchangeable) COLA. Therefore, we direct the district court to consider whether there has been a substantial impairment with that in mind.”

Here are a few examples of PERA’s ongoing deception in this regard . . . now infecting its Brief submitted to the Colorado Supreme Court:

“The legislature had previously readjusted the COLA formula for PERA retirees ten times in forty years . . .”,

“retiree COLAs would once again require readjustment.”,

” . . . the General Assembly had changed COLAs ten times and DPSRS had changed COLAs twelve times during the decades preceding 2010.”,

“There cannot be entitlement to something no Plaintiff ever received: a COLA frozen for life at the rate that happened to be in effect when each became eligible to retire or retired.”

(My comment:  I find this PERA red herring [the “COLAs as unchangeable” tactic of deception] quite tedious.  Clearly, what is “unchangeable” is this PERA tactic of deception itself.

Since the commencement of litigation in Justus v, State, Colorado PERA has relentlessly argued that the plaintiffs in the case Justus v, State object to “changes,” or “adjustments” in the rate of their contracted COLA, or that they seek a “frozen” COLA.  Plaintiffs DO NOT object to “changes,” or “adjustments” in the COLA rate, they object to retroactive, unconstitutional “reductions” in the COLA rate.  Plaintiffs object to the taking of their property – their contracted pension COLA benefits by the State.  [Obviously, improving PERA retiree COLA benefits would not breach retiree pension contracts . . . the retirees would not be harmed if their pension benefits were increased.]  

Instead of acknowledging up front that the plaintiffs in the case Justus v. State were contesting the provisions of SB 10-001 that REDUCED the PERA retiree COLA benefit, the defendants in the case [PERA and the State of Colorado] have employed this “red herring,” claiming that the plaintiffs were arguing that the COLA benefit could not be legally “adjusted,” that it was UNCHANGEABLE.

The Colorado Court of Appeals, in their Decision, saw through this PERA red herring.  In reversing the Denver District Court decision, the Colorado Court of Appeals specifically ordered the lower court to ignore PERA’s attempted deception.  It is astonishing, but Colorado PERA still will not give up this particular line of deception.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“One of the ‘gravest duties impressed upon the courts’ is declaring legislation unconstitutional, which is why the presumption of constitutionality is so strong.”

(My comment:  States do not receive much deference in the courts when they are trying to break their own contracts – trying to escape their own financial obligations.  

From the Madiar article in the ABA Law Journal that we looked at a few weeks ago: “In 1977, however, the (U.S.) Supreme Court clarified that state attempts to impair their own contracts, ESPECIALLY FINANCIAL OBLIGATIONS, were subject to greater scrutiny and very little deference because the STATE’S SELF-INTEREST IS AT STAKE.  As the court bluntly stated:  

A governmental entity can always find a use for extra money, especially when taxes do not have to be raised.  If a state could reduce its financial obligations whenever it wanted to spend the money for what it regarded as an important public purpose, the Contract Clause would provide no protection at all . . . Thus, a state cannot refuse to meet its legitimate financial obligations simply because it would prefer to spend the money to promote the public good rather than the private welfare of its creditors.”)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The General Assembly, after extensive actuarial studies and input from retirees . . .”

(My comment: This “input from retirees” included “input” that the provisions of SB 10-001 were unconstitutional.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“It made ‘modifications to the public employees’ retirement association necessary to reach a one hundred percent funded ratio within the next thirty years.'”

(My comment:  As we have seen, Colorado PERA has had an internal board policy in the past to cap the PERA trust funds at a 90 percent funded ratio.  Thus, when Colorado PERA’s 17-member lobbying troop put this “100 percent funded ratio” threshold into SB 10-001, they codified the hypocrisy of the PERA Board of Trustees.  Also, we know that Fitch Ratings, one of the three large ratings firms in the United States, considers public pension funds to be “well-funded” at an 80 percent actuarial funded ratio.  We also know that according to the Federal Reserve, public pension actuarial funded ratios in the 50 to 60 percent range were typical in the 1970s and yet pension contractual rights were, nevertheless, upheld by U.S. courts.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“This broad new view of government contracting could affect other types of government legislation and create other unintended private contractual rights.”

(My comment:  This is not a “broad new view of government contracting.”  Public pension rights have been considered to be contractual obligations for nearly a century.  PERA attorneys, for your edification, Professor Amy Monahan writes: “The legal protection of public pensions has undergone significant change in the last century.  Historically, public pensions in this country were viewed as mere gratuities that could be withdrawn or amended by the state at any time. Unsatisfied with a legal rule that allowed states to freely abrogate pension obligations, the vast majority of states have rejected the gratuity theory and instead protect public pensions under contract or property rights theories.”

Link:

http://www.ncsl.org/documents/…

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Current and future employees will pay the highest rates in PERA’ s history while working up to a decade longer before retirement.”

(My comment:  This Colorado PERA assertion in its Supreme Court Brief is also designed to mislead the court.  Under SB 10-001, age and service requirements for PERA retirement eligibility were NOT altered for current vested employees.  Age and service requirements were extended for future hires [notably, those to whom Colorado PERA has no contractual obligations].  Current PERA members will work not one day longer before retirement under the provisions of SB 10-001.  The addition of time to the age and service retirement eligibility requirements of current employees [although of questionable constitutionality] is clearly “less drastic” than the intentional breach of PERA pensioner contracts.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The need for review and deference to the General Assembly is particularly acute where, as here, invalidating the statute would threaten not just legislative autonomy but also the fiscal stability of a multibillion dollar state retirement program.”

(My comment:  Colorado PERA’s attorneys have it backwards.  The fiscal stability of the PERA trust funds is not threatened by courts upholding the rule of law in the United States.  The fiscal stability of the PERA trust funds is threatened by PERA-affiliated employers that skip their annual required contributions to the pension, by a PERA Board of Trustees that fails to emphatically and regularly implore the General Assembly to meet pension obligations, by a PERA board that historically intended to underfund the PERA pension by ten percent, by politicians that have used the PERA pension trust funds as a “credit card,” historically skipping needed contributions to meet contractual obligations in order to make discretionary expenditures, by politicians who have irresponsibly slashed the state’s available revenues, and by politicians who have directed state resources to pay local government pension obligations that are not the responsibility of the State of Colorado.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Even with ambitious 8.5% returns, the state division would run out of money in 21 years and the school division would run out in 25 years.”

(My comment:  PERA’s divisions will not “run out of money” if the State of Colorado and other PERA-affiliated employers begin paying the annual required contributions that they have skipped for the last decade.  Also helpful would be the adoption of legal, prospective pension reform by the General Assembly, and appointment of a commission to examine additional revenue sources that could be directed to the PERA trust funds.  If the General Assembly acts responsibly, a future in which payments to PERA pensioners are taken directly from state general funds can be avoided.  The General Assembly is already making payments for pension obligations [those of local governments] directly from its general funds.)

In regard to the Opinion of the Colorado Court of Appeals, PERA’s attorneys write in the PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The court nonetheless ignored the statutory language and did not consider repeated COLA changes, including ones made during Plaintiffs’ retirements.”

(My comment:  If anything, I desire to be a helpful layperson.  So, I’m going to help PERA’s attorneys find the language they’re looking for in the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision.

First, the consideration of “repeated COLA changes” in the Court of Appeals Decision – it’s hidden on pages #3 through #12.

Second, consideration of “the statutory language” is on pages 27 and 28 of the Court of Appeals Decision.  Attorneys, for your convenience, I have excerpted this material and present it below.

From pages 27 and 28 of the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision:

“Nonetheless, defendants attempt to distinguish McPhail and Bills by pointing out that the city charter provision at issue in those cases said that retirees ‘shall be entitled to an increase in the amount of their pension’ of a particular amount.'”

“True, the statutes at issue here do not use the word ‘entitled.’  But that makes no difference, for two reasons.  First, the court in McPhail and Bills did not mention the charter language in its analysis.  Instead, the court found a contractual right based on members’ provision of services and contributions to the retirement fund.”

“Second, the language in the statutes here is similar to that at issue in McPhail and Bills.”)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Plaintiffs not only ignore the extensive legislative record, but also the unanimous support from unions and retiree organizations . . .”

(My comment:  Far from “ignoring the extensive legislative record,” plaintiffs with their limited resources [no pension trust funds to raid for this purpose you know] have scrutinized the legislative record and have observed a Colorado General Assembly that has, through its mismanagement and neglect, created a mess.  Now this Colorado General Assembly, irresponsibly and illegally, wants to push this mess off onto a bunch of elderly pensioners.  As to “unanimous support from retiree organizations,” I want to point out that SavePERACOLA IS a retiree organization.  Indeed, SavePERACOLA is a retiree organization that informed the General Assembly at the outset that its proposed actions were unconstitutional.)

Colorado Court of Appeals: The Minnesota and South Dakota Cases Have No Relevance to the case Justus v. State.

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Plaintiffs, through counsel who filed similar (since-rejected) lawsuits in Minnesota and South Dakota . . . ”

(My comment:  The Colorado Court of Appeals found that the defendants [Colorado PERA and the state] erred in their reliance on recent court decisions relating to COLA benefits in Minnesota and South Dakota.  The Court of Appeals determined that these two cases have no relevance to the case Justus v. State [the cases are “distinguishable.”]  The Colorado Court of Appeals Decision explains why these two cases are not germane to Justus v. State.  PERA attorneys, I know you liked these cases, sorry.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

” . . . the General Assembly has never reduced any existing PERA pension base benefit.”

(My comment:  Nor has the General Assembly impaired its pension COLA contractual obligations prior to SB 10-001.)

Colorado PERA’s Repeat of the “Market-Based” Pension Funding Ratio Deception in its Colorado Supreme Court Brief.

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“During the 2008 recession, PERA suffered losses totaling $11.8 billion and its funding ratio fell to 52% . . .”

“The recent economic crisis indisputably caused the PERA pension fund to lose nearly $12 billion in 2008 alone and to fall to 52% funded at the end of 2008.”

(My comments:  Colorado PERA has not hesitated to deceive PERA members, the public, and lower courts regarding measures of the fiscal soundness of the PERA trust funds.  PERA repeats this deception in its Colorado Supreme Court Brief, attempting to exaggerate the financial condition of the PERA trust funds by substituting a volatile, non-traditional “market-based” pension funded ratio for the industry-standard, accepted measure of pension funding, the “actuarial funded ratio.”  As we have seen, actuarial funded ratios [AFR] have been used by Colorado PERA throughout its history.  AFRs are widely used in public defined benefit administration because their use is mandated by federal regulatory agencies.

Here is a description of the term “actuarial funded ratio” from the website of the National Association of State Retirement Administrators:

“The most recognized measure of a public retirement plan’s ability to meet current and future obligations is its actuarial funding ratio, derived by dividing the actuarial value of a plan’s assets by the value of its liabilities.”

Colorado PERA has used this “market-based” funding ratio deception in its legal briefs, legal arguments, and public propaganda.  Colorado PERA now brings this deception to the Colorado Supreme Court chambers.

Here are a few examples of Colorado PERA’s historical use of “actuarial funded ratios” in communications to PERA members:

Colorado PERA Update – [Spring 2006 – page 4]: “See that PERA’s [actuarial] funded status was lower [61.5 percent] 30 years ago than what it is now. You may recall that there was no perceived “crisis” in PERA’s funded status in 1975.”

Colorado PERA News Archive for 2004 [9-16-2004]: “PERA’S [actuarial] funded level was below 60 percent in 1970, and there was not a perceived crisis in PERA’s financial health.”

The very bill that Colorado PERA is attempting to defend, SB 10-001, uses “actuarial funded ratios” as a measure of the PERA trust fund’s solvency.  The “100% funded ratio” in the title of SB 10-001 is an “actuarial funded ratio.”  The triggers in SB 10-001 are linked to “actuarial funded ratios.”

In considering the case Justus v. State, it is important that the Colorado Supreme Court know the difference between “market-based” pension funded ratios and “actuarial funded ratios [AFR].”

At the end of 2008, the combined AFR of the PERA trust funds was 69.8 percent.  [Not nearly as scary as PERA’s “52%” figure.]  The Supreme Court should see the PERA trust fund’s combined 2008 “actuarial funded ratio” of 69.8% in an historical perspective.  During the 40-year period, 1970 to 2009, the PERA “actuarial funded ratio” ranged from a low of 54.5 percent in 1973 to a high of 105.2 percent in 2000.  The average actuarial funded ratio over this 40-year period is 78 percent.  At the end of 2008, the PERA actuarial funded ratio of 69.8% was mere 8.2% lower than the average PERA actuarial funded ratio over the 40 year period.  At the end of 2008, PERA’s actuarial funded ratio of 69.8 percent was 10.2 percent below an 80 percent actuarial funded ratio, considered “well-funded” by Fitch Ratings.  During an eleven-year span, from 1970 to 1981, PERA’s actuarial funded ratio was actually lower than it was at the end of 2008, and yet there was no PERA campaign during those eleven years to take vested, earned, accrued, contracted PERA retiree pension benefits.  At the time of the breach of retiree pension contracts in SB 10-001, the difference between the Colorado PERA actuarial funded ratio and Wilshire Associates average actuarial funded ratio for 57 state retirement systems was 3.1 percent.  Should pension contracts for all of these public pension plans be breached at this level? According to Colorado PERA, the answer is yes.

A memorandum [see link below], prepared by the staff of the Colorado General Assembly, provides the historical “actuarial funded ratio” for the Colorado PERA Trust Funds.  Colorado PERA is the source of the historical “actuarial funded ratio” statistics displayed in the memorandum.

Link:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

A 2006 Federal Reserve paper, by Ronald A Wirtz, notes that public pension funded ratios in the 50 to 60 percent range were typical in the 1970s:

“From a long-term perspective, however, one can’t really pin too much of the pension problem on the recent stock market pullback-in fact, it’s been a savior for most pensions.  Rewind 50 years, and almost all pension assets were invested in U.S. bonds and other fixed-income sorts of securities.  Though comparatively safe in terms of protecting assets, such a portfolio could not generate the returns necessary for pension funds to keep up with the benefits promised by generous government employers.  During the 1970s, funding ratios generally hovered between 50 and 60 percent.”  If the rule of law in the United States somehow survived the low funded ratios of public pension plans in the last century, I believe that we can also make it through this century without breaching public pension contracts.

Colorado PERA claims that, considering the financial condition of the PERA Trust Funds in recent years, the PERA trust funds could not be “sustained” short of the taking of contracted benefits in SB 10-001.  I ask, if the Colorado PERA Trust Funds could not be “sustained” with an “actuarial funded ratio” of 69 percent in 2009, how were the trust funds “sustained” in the past when the actuarial funding ratio approached 50 percent?  Obviously, PERA’s trust funds can be “sustained” when their “actuarial funded ratio” is in the 50-60 percent range, since the “actuarial funded ratio” has been there in the past and the pension trust funds still exist . . . the trust funds were “sustained” without breaching contracts.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“. . . it is important to underscore that this case is not about the right to COLAs. The General Assembly has preserved the cost-of-living protections for current and future retirees.”

(My comment:  I am astounded that PERA’s attorneys will write such rubbish.  If I take only half of the contents of a bank vault, have I “preserved” the contents of that bank vault for its owners?  After all, I did not take 100 percent of the contents of the bank vault.

Finally, Colorado PERA’s attorneys write, “. . . this case is not about the right to COLAs.”

So, now I can die – nothing I can ever hear will top this Colorado PERA statement.

P.S., PERA, smile, if I die your unfunded pension liabilities are reduced . . . no contract breach required.)

Can Republicans polish up their image by controlling their extremists on talk radio? Nope

Wayne Laugesen, the Editorial Page Editor at the conservative Colorado Springs Gazette, made the point last week on Rocky Mountain PBS’ Colorado State of Mind that the “general public” thinks conservative talk radio “is part of the GOP.”

And for good reason.  You find the top GOP candidates, like Mitt Romney, holding forth on Denver talk radio, while avoiding TV or print media.  As elections get close, you hear talk radio hosts acting as if they are part of that famous well-oiled Republican get-out-the-vote machine.  You see GOP leaders say something in Washington, and then you hear it again on KNUS radio in Denver.

And when something outrageous trickles out of the talk radio world and into the headlines, it rapidly becomes linked to conservatives. See Rush Limbaugh. At the local level, see Mike Rosen, Brownie, Steve Kelley, Tom Lucero and Devon Lentz, Amy Oliver, Jeff Crank, the whole gang.

It’s pretty obvious that Republicans would like to figure out a miracle way to stop the hatred and extremism on talk radio so they can be better polish up the image of their party, especially among Hispanics.

“The talk on immigration comes out on talk radio anymore as just general hostility toward Latino culture,” said Laugesen.

WAS PERA’S PENSION CONTRACT BREACH PREMEDITATED?

DID THE COLORADO GENERAL ASSEMBLY ACTUALLY REQUEST THAT COLORADO PERA MAKE RECOMMENDATIONS TO ADDRESS THE DECREASE IN PERA ASSETS IN 2009?

OR, DID PERA LOBBYISTS PUT THIS LANGAUGE INTO LAW TO PROVIDE COVER FOR A PREMEDITATED BREACH OF PENSION CONTRACTS?  

ENQUIRING MINDS.

Admittedly, my trust in Colorado PERA has worn

thin.

Nevertheless, given: Colorado PERA’s track record in its attempt to escape its contractual obligations,

–  its apparent indifference to all moral, and legal restraints,

–  its disregard for an on-point Colorado Attorney General opinion,

–  its disavowal of unmistakable, adverse legal authority,

–  its cavalier abandonment of the rule of law,

–  its creative interpretations of the term “fiduciary duty,”

–  its habits of deception and demonstrated desire to mislead,

–  its lack of good faith and fair dealing with PERA pensioners,

–  its eagerness to “change the ground rules in the middle of the game,”

–  its use of trust fund beneficiary assets to finance litigation to breach the contracts of those beneficiaries,

–  its use of trust fund beneficiary assets to finance PERA propaganda, as well as political, and lobbying campaigns to breach PERA pensioner contracts,

–  its unabashed manipulation of elected officials to achieve desired policy outcomes,

–  its summary rejection of legal, prospective, “less drastic” alternatives to the breach of pensioner contracts (that have been adopted across the nation),

–  its hypocrisy in placing a 100 percent funding threshold into pension reform legislation in light of its own past policies of underfunding the pension,

–  its complicity in creation of the “problem” it now uses to justify pension contract breach,

–  its ridiculous boasts of “transparency,”

–  its willingness to use a position of power and trust to take earned benefits from elderly, powerless pensioners,

–  its historical failure to emphatically and regularly implore the General Assembly and other PERA-affiliated employers to meet their annual required contributions,

–  its disingenuous characterization of market volatility as a rationale for pension contract breach,

–  its employment of the complex and confusing nature of public pension administration as a means to mislead,

–  its construal of what is in essence a “crime” as something laudable . . . a “model” for other states,

–  its desire to inflate away legitimate government debts through seizure of contracted COLA benefits,

–  its attempt to shift the public debt onto the backs of a relatively small group of pensioners,

–  its pride in having successfully breached pensioner contracts,

–  its use of tactics to breach contracts that shock the conscience,

–  its casual preference to welch on the public debt, and most reprehensible of all,

–  its betrayal of the trust of PERA pensioners who held up their end of the bargain,

. . . given the countless misdeeds of Colorado PERA that we have documented here, I do not believe that raising legitimate questions regarding the motives of Colorado PERA’s board members and administrators is unwarranted.

2010 PERA Board: We had to breach contracts due to the market downturn.

Meredith Williams, Colorado PERA’s former Executive Director assured PERA retirees in the past that market volatility has no impact on their contracted pension benefits:

“The value of your PERA benefit is based on highest average salary and years of service (a “defined” formula) and does not fluctuate based on market performance.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pera/abo…

And yet again in 2010, State Treasurer and PERA Board member (at the time) Cary Kennedy tells us that SB 10-001 was enacted as a result of market volatility:

“Responding to this unprecedented drop, some states, including Colorado, took steps to shore up the solvency of their pension funds.”

Link:

http://blog.ednewscolorado.org…

The Colorado PERA Board claims credit for SB 10-001 as well as for the “100 percent” actuarial funded ratio threshold in SB 10-001:

Colorado PERA, “The Colorado PERA Board’s recommendation largely became SB 10-001.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pdf/5/5-…

From the PERA website:

“The work of the Colorado PERA Board culminated in the crafting of Senate Bill 10-001 (SB 10-001.)  The Colorado PERA Board supported the recommended bipartisan changes to the bill by Senate President Brandon Shaffer and Senator Josh Penry since the changes still accomplished the Colorado PERA Board’s goal of reaching 100 percent funding levels for each of Colorado PERA’s divisions in 30 years.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pdf/5/5-…

Again, will the members of the PERA Board please explain how the decision to place a 100 percent actuarial funded ratio in SB 10-001 was reached in light of the PERA Board’s historical policy of capping the actuarial funded ratio of the PERA Trust Funds at a 90 percent level?  Did no board member take note of the hypocritical nature of this recommendation?   It has historically been Board policy to maintain a degree of PERA pension underfunding (10 percent), and yet it is now Board policy to breach retiree contracts to the point that a 100 percent actuarial funded ratio is achieved.  As we have seen, the 1999 George K. Baum study performed under the auspices of Colorado PERA (it’s on PERA letterhead) for State Treasurer Mike Coffman asks:

“Why does PERA appear to have a policy to keep a 10% unfunded liability?”

Colorado PERA’s propaganda has emphasized that the Colorado Legislature requested that the PERA Board of Directors make recommendations to shore up the PERA trust funds.  I ask if this Colorado PERA assertion is an attempt to mislead.

Colorado PERA went so far as to emphasize the General Assembly’s “legislative mandate” in a Response Brief submitted to the Denver District Court:

“By LEGISLATIVE MANDATE the PERA Board extensively studied the underfunding and consulted with its members . . . before proposing a solution to the General Assembly.”

Link:

http://www.ednewscolorado.org/…

I ask: Did Colorado PERA plant this request language into SB 09-282 at the end of the 2009 legislative session in order to lend a patina of legitimacy to what was in fact a premeditated attempt to breach pension COLA contractual obligations?

Recall Senator Lundberg’s statement on the Senate floor during the SB 10-001 debate: “This bill is a deal that was cut before this body met.”

Was Colorado PERA’s ostensible, impartial examination of pension reform options in 2009 in reality an elaborate ruse constructed by PERA lobbyists to add legitimacy to a process with a predetermined conclusion?  To falsely portray a preordained conclusion to breach pension COLA contracts as the result of an extensive, deliberative process?

We should know the answers to these questions.  (If Colorado PERA is such a “transparent” organization as it boasts, why do we not know the answer to these questions?)

I wonder, did the request for a PERA study actually come from the Colorado General Assembly?  Was this request the product of SB 10-001 co-prime sponsor Senator Josh Penry’s mind?  Did he conceive this idea to request PERA recommendations?  Or, was this idea planted in the Penry brain by PERA’s lobbyists?

After all, if you intend make extreme recommendations . . . that the State of Colorado, and PERA-affiliated employers breach their contractual pension obligations, would it not be useful to later claim that the state Legislature requested that bold recommendations be made?  

That such recommendations should be sufficiently extreme to restore the PERA trust funds to a 100 percent actuarial funded ratio?  (In spite of the fact that the PERA Trust Funds had visited this lofty 100 percent perch only twice in its 81-year history?  And, that the PERA Board had historically sought to cap the PERA Trust Fund AFR at a 90 percent level?)

Would that not provide useful cover?  “They told us to make the recommendation!”  

Where was the scheme to breach PERA contracts actually born?  Will we ever know?

Does the genesis of SB 10-001’s COLA theft provisions lie in the minds of a pension administrator?  Or, in the hopeful heart of a self-interested lobbyist?

Did the PERA Board of Trustees conceive the idea to take contracted COLA benefits?  If so, which PERA board member gets the credit?  Or, was the idea to breach pension COLA contractual obligations brought to the PERA Board by an outside organization?  A public sector union lobbyist perhaps?

Well, it should be possible to discover the answer.

In 2009, the Colorado General Assembly enacted legislation (SB 09-282) to merge Denver Public Schools with Colorado PERA (specifically, to merge the assets and liabilities of Denver Public Schools into Colorado PERA.)

A provision of SB 09-282 required that the PERA Board of Trustees submit recommendations to the Colorado General Assembly regarding methods of responding to the decrease in the value of the association’s assets on or before November 1, 2009.  

Here’s the language in the bill:

24-51-211, C.R.S.  (2) ON OR BEFORE NOVEMBER 1, 2009, THE BOARD SHALL SUBMIT SPECIFIC, COMPREHENSIVE RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY REGARDING POSSIBLE METHODS TO RESPOND TO THE DECREASE IN THE VALUE OF THE ASSOCIATION’S ASSETS, INCLUDING REAL ESTATE, PRIVATE EQUITY, AND OTHER INVESTMENTS, TO DECREASE THE AMORTIZATION PERIOD OF EACH DIVISION OF THE ASSOCIATION AND TO ENSURE THAT EACH DIVISION OF THE ASSOCIATION WILL BECOME AND REMAIN FULLY FUNDED.

Note that this language asks for “possible methods” to respond to the decrease in the value of PERA’s assets.  The General Assembly did not ask that the PERA Board dictate a plan that would breach PERA’s contractual pension obligations.  Implicit in the request from the General Assembly was the fact that the requested “possible methods” would be constitutional.

On April 21, 2009, Senator Penry, the co-prime sponsor of SB 10-001 amended SB 09-282 on the floor of the Senate.

His prepared amendment to the bill required the PERA Board to make recommendations to the Legislature regarding “possible methods” to respond to the decrease in the value of PERA’s assets.  His amendment required that this report be provided to the Legislature by September 1, 2009.  Two days later, Senator Sandoval amended the bill (SB 09-282) to move the deadline for submission of the report from September 1, 2009 to November 1, 2009.  (The PERA Board wanted more time?  It looks like the PERA Board may claim some ownership in the statutory language requiring the “study.”)

Questions for Senator Penry: Did you originate the idea to require the PERA Board to make recommendations to the General Assembly regarding possible methods to respond to the decrease in PERA assets of your own accord?  Or, did you offer this amendment on behalf of a PERA lobbyist?  Another lobbyist?  Another legislative member?

The drafter of SB 09-282 was a lawyer from the General Assembly’s Office of Legislative Legal Services.  Her name is Nicole Myers.  

Questions for Ms. Myers:  Who asked you to draft the amendment requesting that the General Assembly make recommendations regarding methods to respond to the decrease in PERA assets?  A lobbyist?  A PERA lobbyist?  Did a PERA lobbyist make this request on behalf of Senator Penry?  Did a PERA lobbyist provide a draft of their desired language in this regard?  Please check your records.

It would be interesting if, after years of emphasizing that the Colorado General Assembly requested that the PERA Board of Trustees make recommendations to address the decrease in PERA assets, it turned out that it was in fact PERA’s lobbyists who actually put this language into SB 09-282.  It would be interesting to learn if this language was placed in SB 09-282 in order to provide cover for a premeditated attempt to breach PERA retiree contracts.

Questions for Senator Sandoval:  Did you decide to move the deadline for the PERA Board to report out by two months of your own accord?  Or, was this a request from Colorado PERA lobbyists?  

It would be worth listening to the recordings of hearings on SB 09-282 by the House and Senate Finance committees.  (For that matter, it would be worth listening to all of the committee discussion from 2009 on PERA bills adopted or postponed indefinitely that year.)

Here are a few excerpts from a summary of the Senate Finance Committee hearing on SB 09-282 on April 14, 2009:

“03:28 PM

Mr. Williams responded to questions about the contribution rates for the retirement plans.  He stated that the PERA Board is committed to presenting a proposal to the General Assembly that addresses retirement benefit issues for Colorado PERA.”

“05:20 PM

Ms. Kennedy continued discussing the timing of when to bring the DPS system into PERA’s plan.  She also responded to questions about the management of the current pension systems and retirement benefits.  Discussion ensued about solvency issues.”

This fact jumps out:

On April 14 at 3:28 PM, Meredith Williams (Colorado PERA’s Executive Director at the time) testified to the Senate Finance Committee that “the PERA Board is committed to presenting a proposal to the General Assembly that addresses retirement benefit issues for Colorado PERA.”

Meredith Williams made this statement one week BEFORE the requirement to report to the General Assembly was even in the bill.

That requirement was placed in the bill on the Senate floor one week after Meredith William’s testimony (on April 21, 2009.)

I suppose that listening to the tape of this bill hearing before the Senate Finance Committee on April 14, 2009 might provide some insights.

Alternatively, we could put the question to Senator Penry, or bill drafter Nicole Myers, or Senator Sandoval.

Premeditated?

Hey Republicans, Where’s the Burrito?

The headline on an Associated Press story last week, juxtaposed to the GOP comments in the article, tell you all you need to know about how it’s one thing for Republicans to promise to be nicer to Hispanics, as Josh Penry and Rob Witwer did recently, and another thing for them to stop pushing policies that do nothing but alienate Hispanics from the GOP.

First, the headline of the AP story, written by Ivan Moreno:

“Colorado Democrats Plan To Pass Tuition Aid For Immigrants”

Then, the GOP response toward the end of the story:

Arvada Republican Rep. Libby Szabo said it was too soon to tell whether her party would support the tuition legislation.

“One thing I learned in my first legislative session is that I don’t comment on anything I have not seen,” she said.

Szabo, who was elected to be her party’s assistant House minority leader Thursday, made her gender and her Latino background part of her pitch for the leadership post, saying, “I am a woman Latino, and I think it would speak big if we didn’t just talk about reaching out to them, but we said we are going to put someone in leadership who is actually one of them.”

So Szabo couldn’t even commit her own support to the state version of the Dream Act, much less the members of her party who organized opposition this summer when Metro State University dared to lower tuition rates for undocumented kids.

Instead, Szabo makes a parody of herself by saying, look at me! I’m proof positive that the GOP likes Hispanics!

So here’s the point of this blog post: Reporters shouldn’t let Republicans get away with saying they support Hispanics without asking for those ugly specifics, which go beyond good looks and leadership positions.

As The Denver Post’s Alicia Caldwell said during an excellent discussion of the election on Rocky Mountain PBS’ Colorado State of Mind Nov. 9, “You have to change policies as well as faces.”

As my colleague Michael Lund pointed out, polling shows Hispanics, to the extent you can generalize, care most about jobs and the economy, as well as education, immigration, and healthcare. Project New America polling also showed that basic concern and the poor matters.

The question is, what will Colorado Republicans offer Hispanics in any of these areas?

Will Republicans offer anything on the economy except de-regulation and tax cuts?  On healthcare, will the Colorado GOP stop trying to block implementation of Obamacare? On education, will they finally get behind the reduced tuition bill that Szabo is noncommittal about? Will they support a pathway for citizenship both for undocumented children as well their parents? Do Republicans think they need to become Democrats to win over Hispanics?

If Republicans aren’t pressed, we’ll get the kind of rhetoric Penry and Witwer offered up this weekend in The Post about how it’s time “to bury the hatchet and forge bipartisan agreement on immigration reform.”

Great, a reporter should say to Penry and Witwer, but where’s the burrito?

AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION JOURNAL ARTICLE: THE COLORADO LEGISLATURE’S SB 10-001 WILL LIKELY BE FOUND

 . . . UNCONSTITUTIONAL.

The Winter 2012 issue of the American Bar Association Journal of Labor and Employment Law includes an article titled: “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege: Does State Law Facilitate or Block Recent Efforts to Cut the Pension Benefits of Public Servants?”  The article’s author is Eric Madiar J.D., Chicago-Kent College of Law, currently Chief Legal Counsel to Illinois Senate President John J. Cullerton.

(Note: This ABA Journal article was written prior to the recent Colorado Court of Appeals ruling that Colorado PERA pension COLA benefits are indeed contractual obligations of Colorado PERA and Colorado PERA-affiliated employers.)

Below I provide excerpts from the article of relevance to the 2010 breach of PERA pension contracts by the Colorado General Assembly, (and of course, some of my own observations relating to the excerpted material.)

IN SB 10-001, THE COLORADO GENERAL ASSEMBLY ATTEMPTED TO USE MARKET VOLATILITY TO JUSTIFY THE BREACH OF PENSION CONTRACTS.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“Rahm Emanuel’s statement after the 2008 election aptly described the current climate: ‘You never want a serious crisis to go to waste . . . [because it] provides the opportunity . . . to do things that you could not do before.’  Thus, for proponents of pension reform the window of opportunity is open.”

(My comment: It is uncanny how closely these remarks from Rahm Emanuel in 2008 track the comments of SB 10-001 co-prime sponsor Josh Penry in 2009 [they both like the word “window.”]

The Penry “Can’t Miss This Window” comments:

“Senator Josh Penry, in a videotaped discussion with Representative Mike May, [videocenter. denverpost.com] said ‘we can’t, can’t miss this window.’  And, . . . we have an opportunity to pass something that Republicans have long advocated, a significant increase in retirement age, which the PERA Board embraced, reigning in the cost of living increases . .  .”

“Penry went on to say, ‘I think it is important to pass something because if you lose actuarial necessity, as you know, it becomes extremely difficult to increase retirement age.  You cannot change course and this year, when PERA’s investment numbers come out, their investment returns . . . numbers are going to be significant, like double, 15-16% investment return.  So that could change the specter of actuarial necessity.  We gotta’ do it this year or else these other structural changes won’t be possible.”)

Link to Penry comments:

http://www.leg.state.co.us/Cli…

SB 10-001 WAS SIMPLY ABOUT TAKING MONEY, THE LAW WAS IGNORED.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“Second, a legal calculus does not motivate changes portrayed as ‘pension reform.’  Rather, as Eden Martin of Chicago’s Commercial Club candidly explained ‘[this is] not about the law at all, it’s about the politics and arm-wrestling over money.'”

“These two points are significant because they frame our larger discussion of whether the law provides states with a means to achieve a particular political objective: the unilateral reduction of public pension benefits to avoid painful tax increases, service cuts, or both.  In Illinois, the answer is unequivocally ‘no'”.

” . . . the article concludes with a prediction that courts in Colorado . . . are likely to invalidate pension reform efforts . . .”

“Most states follow the contractual approach based on court decisions or specific constitutional or statutory provisions.”

“One issue common to all reform efforts is whether those reforms violate the Contract Clause of the U.S. Constitution or its state equivalent.  This issue is paramount because pension benefits are essential components of compensation and largely determine whether public servants and their dependents may live with a modicum of economic independence upon retirement.”

“On its face, the (Contract) Clause provides in absolute terms that ‘No State shall . . . pass any . . . Law impairing the Obligation of Contract.'”

U.S. SUPREME COURT: STATE ATTEMPTS TO BREACH THEIR OWN CONTRACTS, IN THEIR OWN SELF-INTEREST, RECEIVE VERY LITTLE DEFERENCE.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“In 1977, however, the (U.S.) Supreme Court clarified that state attempts to impair their own contracts, ESPECIALLY FINANCIAL OBLIGATIONS, were subject to greater scrutiny and very little deference because the STATE’S SELF-INTEREST IS AT STAKE.  As the court bluntly stated:  

A governmental entity can always find a use for extra money, especially when taxes do not have to be raised.  If a state could reduce its financial obligations whenever it wanted to spend the money for what it regarded as an important public purpose, the Contract Clause would provide no protection at all . . . Thus, a state cannot refuse to meet its legitimate financial obligations simply because it would prefer to spend the money to promote the public good rather than the private welfare of its creditors.”

(My comment: Precisely.)

A STATE’S IMPAIRMENT OF ITS OWN CONTRACTUAL OBLIGATIONS IS UNREASONABLE.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“An impairment is unreasonable if it targets a known problem that existed at the time of contract formation UNLESS THAT PROBLEM HAS CHANGED IN KIND, not merely in degree.  Impairment is permitted only if there are no less drastic alternatives available for safeguarding

the important public purpose.”

(My comment: Colorado PERA has always been well

aware of the “problem” of dips in securities markets.  Colorado PERA employs investment professionals who have made a life-long study of market volatility.  Having testified before legislative committees for years regarding potential pension reform measures to address the bursting of the “dot-com” bubble in 2001 it is not reasonably possible for Colorado PERA officials to claim ignorance of the “problem” of market volatility.  The problem grew a bit larger in 2009, but it did not change “in kind.”

Less drastic alternatives?  Here at saveperacola.com dozens of “less drastic” alternatives to the breach of public pension contracts are on the record.

Finally, it should be noted that PERA pension contracts are formed every day of the year under any vesting scenario that PERA might espouse . . . each day many PERA members reach five-year vested status and many PERA members retire.)

THE COLORADO GENERAL ASSEMBLY HAS FAILED TO PROPERLY FUND THE PERA PENSION.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“(The Colorado case also raises) . . . the question whether cutting benefits is a reasonable and necessary means to protect the pension system when, for decades, the state failed properly to fund the system.”

(My comment: It is satisfying to have the Colorado General Assembly’s habitual failure to meet its obligations to the PERA pension published in a law journal of the American Bar Association.  The entire American legal community should be made aware of the negligence of the Colorado General Assembly.

As we have seen, the Colorado General Assembly has skipped $4.3 billion in annual required contributions to the PERA pension fund [as identified by PERA’s actuaries] in just the last decade.  News accounts from the 1990s reveal that the General Assembly also traditionally underfunded the pension during that decade.  As we have seen, it has been PERA Board policy in the past to underfund the pension [90 percent ceiling on AFR.]  Moreover, [and incredibly] members of the Colorado Legislature have, in the past, criticized the PERA pension as “overfunded” when its actuarial funded ratio was at 87 percent.

To wit, in 1985 Colorado PERA’s Field Education Services Division Director Dennis Gatlin stated that: “PERA’s funding ratio was at 87 percent, and legislators claimed that the association was ‘too well-funded.’ In 1970, the ratio was 54 percent, he added. According to Gatlin, PERA has been overfunded, when its assets equaled more than its liabilities, only twice in its 73-year [My comment: now 81-year] history, in 1999 and 2000.”

Here’s a link to Dennis Gatlin’s comments in the Silver and Gold Record:

https://www.cu.edu/sg/messages…

“The Colorado Supreme Court in the McPhail case . . . observed that ‘a cardinal principle of justice and fair dealings between government and man, [is that] the parties shall know prior to entering into a business relationship the conditions which shall govern that relationship.'”

When all of this is taken into consideration, how is it possible that the Colorado General Assembly might consider its breach of pension contracts in SB 10-001 to be in any way “reasonable”?)

CHANGING THE GROUND RULES IN THE MIDDLE OF THE GAME IS NOT CONSONANT WITH AMERICAN TRADITIONS OF FAIRNESS AND JUSTICE.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“The (Colorado) retirees sued under the Contract Clause of the U.S. and Colorado Constitutions to retain the higher COLA rate that was in place when they retired or became eligible to retire.  Colorado case law appeared to support their position.”

” . . . a 2002 Colorado Supreme Court decision may have indirectly modified it (McPhail.)  In Estate of DeWitt, the court held that the Contract Clause of the U.S. and Colorado Constitutions only protects a contract affording a plaintiff ‘a vested right.'”  

(My comment: As we know, the Colorado Court of Appeals recently found that Colorado PERA retirees do have a vested right to their PERA pension COLA benefits.  Colorado Court of Appeals: “We consider McPhail and Bills dispositive [indisputably bringing to a conclusion a legal controversy] of whether plaintiffs here have a contractual right to a particular COLA.”)

“The deferred compensation analogy (construal of public pension benefits as ‘deferred compensation’) exists as a means to achieve a specific objective.  That objective was best explained long ago: ‘Whether it be in the field of sports or in the halls of the legislature it is not consonant with American traditions of fairness and justice to change the ground rules in the middle of the game, [Hickey v. Pittsburgh Pension Board, 1954; accord Colorado Supreme Court, Police Pension and Relief Board v. Bills, 1961.])”

THE COLORADO GENERAL ASSEMBLY USED THE PERA PENSION AS A “CREDIT CARD” TO AVOID TAX INCREASES.  THE MOST RECENT MARKET DOWNTURN WAS “A POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY.”

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

” . . . public employees have diligently and faithfully paid their contributions while their government employers have failed to pay their required share.  Indeed, for decades, states have treated pension systems as a credit card to pay for government services and avoid tax increases or service cuts.”

“Public pensions are under siege because the current fiscal climate in most states presents a political opportunity for change.  For lawmakers, it is simply politically more palatable unilaterally to cut pension benefits for public employees and retirees than to raise taxes, cut services, or both.”

(My [extended] commentary: The Colorado General Assembly cannot legitimately blame the constitutional TABOR amendment for limiting their revenue and pension funding options.  Nothing prevented the General Assembly from referring a constitutional amendment to the people to address PERA pension funding.  Why did the General Assembly not take this step before embracing the breach of its contractual pension obligations?  This would have demonstrated “good faith.”  Nothing prevented the General Assembly from enacting legislation that would properly place the costs of any pension reform measure on PERA-affiliated employers [who are after all contractually obligated to fund pension benefits.]  Instead, as the prime sponsor of SB 10-001 has told us, the bill asked these PERA-affiliated employers to pay a mere 10 percent of the costs of the 2010 pension reform.  Nothing prevented the General Assembly from exploring options for increased revenues that could be directed toward pension obligations, from sources beyond TABOR’s restrictions.  Why did the General Assembly fail to appoint a study committee to explore potential sources of revenue by which it could meet its contractual pension obligations?  Instead, the General Assembly abdicated this role to the lobbyists.  One should note that a preponderance of PERA-affiliated employers have already exempted themselves from TABOR restrictions through “de-Brucing.”  Most PERA-affiliated employers cannot claim that TABOR presented an obstacle to their ability to raise funds.  In fact, just a few weeks ago dozens of Colorado governmental entities succeeded in raising new revenues through ballot measures.  Nothing has prevented the General Assembly from historically choosing to place expenditures to meet its contractual obligations above its discretionary expenditures.  Nothing prevented the General Assembly from retaining all of its revenues, and directing more of these revenues to meet contractual obligations, instead of making annual $100 million discretionary grants for property tax relief.  Further, the General Assembly has been under no legal obligation to historically direct $500 million of its revenues to local government public pensions while ignoring its own PERA pension obligations.  Nothing prevented the General Assembly from exploring the issuance of pension certificates of participation and taking advantage of historically low interest rates.  The General Assembly was under no obligation to enact legislation under Governor Bill Owens slashing its revenue stream.  Nothing prevented the General Assembly from asking its own lawyers to provide a legal opinion regarding the constitutionality of their pension reform proposal [or did they?]  Nothing prevented Governor Ritter and the General Assembly from sending an interrogatory to the Colorado Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of their proposed pension reforms.  The Denver Post editorial board encouraged the General Assembly to take this step.  Why did the General Assembly ignore this advice?  Did the General Assembly simply not want to hear the answer? Or, perhaps it was the lobbyists who did not want to hear the answer?)

COLORADO CASE LAW TAKES A CONTRACTUAL APPROACH TO PUBLIC PENSIONS, THUS, SB 10-001 WILL LIKELY BE FOUND UNCONSTITUTIONAL.

From “Public Pension Benefits Under Siege”:

“The adoption of the contractual approach by Colorado . . . however, make(s) it more likely that pension reform efforts (the COLA provisions of SB 10-001) will be found unconstitutional.”

A PDF of the Madiar paper is available on the website of the National Conference of State Legislatures at the following link:

http://www.ncsl.org/home/searc…

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