President (To Win Colorado) See Full Big Line

(D) Kamala Harris

(R) Donald Trump

80%

20%

CO-01 (Denver) See Full Big Line

(D) Diana DeGette*

(R) V. Archuleta

98%

2%

CO-02 (Boulder-ish) See Full Big Line

(D) Joe Neguse*

(R) Marshall Dawson

95%

5%

CO-03 (West & Southern CO) See Full Big Line

(D) Adam Frisch

(R) Jeff Hurd

50%

50%

CO-04 (Northeast-ish Colorado) See Full Big Line

(R) Lauren Boebert

(D) Trisha Calvarese

90%

10%

CO-05 (Colorado Springs) See Full Big Line

(R) Jeff Crank

(D) River Gassen

80%

20%

CO-06 (Aurora) See Full Big Line

(D) Jason Crow*

(R) John Fabbricatore

90%

10%

CO-07 (Jefferson County) See Full Big Line

(D) B. Pettersen

(R) Sergei Matveyuk

90%

10%

CO-08 (Northern Colo.) See Full Big Line

(D) Yadira Caraveo

(R) Gabe Evans

70%↑

30%

State Senate Majority See Full Big Line

DEMOCRATS

REPUBLICANS

80%

20%

State House Majority See Full Big Line

DEMOCRATS

REPUBLICANS

95%

5%

Generic selectors
Exact matches only
Search in title
Search in content
Post Type Selectors

Hudak’s HIRE Colorado Act Passes Senate

We’ve previously discussed how State Senator Evie Hudak’s sponsorship and support of any bill that even remotely relates to “JOBS” will be a useful piece of ammunition in her competitive re-election bid against Republican Lang Sias.

Today, Hudak’s legislative centerpiece jumped over its first (and smallest) hurdle.

From the Colorado Senate Democrats:

DENVER-Today, the Senate passed Senate Bill 1, the HIRE Colorado Act, sponsored by Senator Evie Hudak (D-Westminster). The HIRE (Helping Individuals Realize Employment) Colorado Act is designed to create jobs for Coloradans by giving a preference to companies seeking state contracts when those companies agree to employ 90 percent Colorado workers for the job, certify that they are providing those workers with quality benefits, and offer access to a federally qualified apprenticeship training program.  This legislation will aid Coloradans in not just finding employment, but employment with adequate medical and retirement benefits and the opportunity to advance.

Senator Hudak offered the following comment on the passage of the HIRE Colorado Act today:

“As lawmakers, regardless of party, we have a moral obligation to work for the betterment of our constituents, to improve the state’s economy and to get Coloradans back to work.  Over the last two years, we have spent close to $800 million to pay people in other states to do work for Colorado.  This is a common sense bill that will work to reinvest our state taxpayers’ money within our borders, employ workers here, and reenergize local economies.”

The HIRE Colorado Act will direct state agencies that award contracts exceeding $1 million to give up to a five percent preference to a company that bids on a the contract based on a specific set of criteria.  In the case of a service contract a three percent preference is available for a contractor that certifies that at least 90 percent of their employees are Colorado residents. Contractors can receive an additional two percent preference if they certify that they are offering employees health care and retirement benefits.

In the case of construction contracts for a public project a three percent preference is given to a contractor that certifies that at least 90 percent of their employees are Colorado residents.  An additional one percent preference is available if the contactor certifies that they offer health care and retirement benefits, and another one percent is available if the workers have access to an apprentice training program approved by the United States Department of Labor. Any company can take advantage of the preference regardless of where it is based. Any company that chooses to hire Colorado workers will qualify.

Currently 26 states offer some sort of preference process for state contracts. The HIRE Colorado Act is a key component in the Senate Majority’s “Colorado Works Jobs package,” a series of bills that will be introduced throughout the session focused on continued job creation and economic growth.

This legislation is sponsored in the House by Representative Su Ryden (D-Aurora) and Representative Crisanta Duran (D-Denver). It will now be heard in the House of Representatives.

Hudak’s communications shepherds couldn’t have phrased it better: this is indeed a common-sense bill that should ostensibly receive bi-partisan support with little effort. While incentivizing local labor for state contracts does run up against the “free market” to some extent, Republicans in the House will have a hard time rationalizing their opposition to a bill that could create jobs.

If the bill passes the House, Governor Hickenlooper’s signature is all but assured and Hudak’s campaign arsenal is expanded not inconsiderably.

If however, House Republicans are able to strike down the HIRE Colorado Act against their better judgement, Hudak will still be able to campaign on this issue. She’ll simply need to ask if Lang Sias would’ve supported the bill if he was empowered to do so. If he answers affirmatively, Hudak’s able to say that even her opponent thinks she’s working to create jobs. If he doesn’t, Hudak can flip the argument: unlike Sias, she’s committed to improving Colorado’s economy.

The entire race won’t rest on this issue. But because the next senator from SD-19 will likely be elected by a razor-thin margin, barring revelations, of course, of a dead boy or live girl, every small talking point can have a major impact.  

Welcome, Anti-Labuda Literature Recipients!

It’s because there’s something so compelling about Corrie Houck‘s primary challenge to incumbent HD-1 Rep. Jeanne Labuda that we’ve devoted several pieces to profiling that race. Houck and Labuda, remember, were previously on relatively good terms – Houck was heavily involved in HD-1 leadership while Labuda sat in the HD-1 seat. That Houck is primarying Labuda despite, or perhaps because of, their relationship makes for good political fodder. It’s almost as if it were a campaign between spurned lovers.  Indeed, there’s something enthralling about any surprise primary – take Brian Carroll’s campaign against Andy Kerr in Jeffco or Marsha Looper’s challenge to Amy Stephens in El Paso County.

The Houck campaign, it seems, has turned that same political fodder into political grapeshot of sorts.

From The Colorado Statesman’s Ernest Luning:

Saying she “wanted to counter a few things said about me by my opponent,” Houck blasted Labuda’s charge that a primary fight was “opening the doors for a Republican to win this seat,” displaying a chart that showed Democrats making up 45 percent of the district’s voters, overwhelming the 25-percent Republican registration.

“It’s almost mathematically impossible for a Republican to take over this seat, and it was purposely designed to be a safe seat,” Houck said.

Further, Houck contended, if Democrats were worried about losing the seat, Labuda’s House colleagues and state party leadership would have rallied around the incumbent the way they did around state Rep. Andy Kerr, D-Lakewood, when a primary challenger emerged last fall.

“If I was disrupting the party out here, don’t you think someone would be intervening in this situation?” Houck asked.

A Democratic official told The Colorado Statesman that Kerr’s situation provoked an unusual response precisely because he represents a Jefferson County swing district – potentially tougher to keep in the Democratic column if a primary had drained resources – and cautioned against drawing any conclusion other than that the party was decidedly neutral in the HD 1 primary.

Labuda fired back by slamming a pair of blog posts reprinted from the political sites Colorado Pols and Denver Pols that were included in a packet of campaign material Houck handed to delegates. One of the anonymous posts claimed that the House Majority Project, an organization charged with electing Democrats, was forced to divert funds to defend Labuda’s seat against a Republican challenger in 2010, possibly costing the party control of the chamber by a single seat.

“I’m bothered by this,” Labuda began, “so I have to say something about this now. This comes from a blog, and you know what a blog is – people put on things they don’t have to answer for.” She said the blog got it wrong about the House Majority Project. “The House Majority Project does not communicate with citizens like you, unfortunately; they deal with me, because I’m a candidate. Anything that is said about the House Majority Project in here, the House Majority Project took care of that – it’s completely false.” [POLS EMPHASIS]

Labuda went on to dispute Houck’s claims that she’s too cozy with payday lenders, claiming she’s voted against the industry more often than she’s taken its side in legislative battles.

“I know we have to rein in predatory lenders, but I also know that people need options,” Labuda said. She said she has neighbors who borrow from the outfits when they have to.

“I know other professional people who have gone and taken short-term loans from payday lenders. They’re needed. I want to keep options open for people,” she said, adding that voting against a bill doesn’t necessarily mean a lawmaker disagrees with the broad intentions of the legislation.

“I don’t vote for all payday lender bills,” she said. “Unfortunately, I don’t vote for all education bills. Some bills just aren’t written well. You think of the ‘Right to Work’ law. What does the Right to Work law do? It doesn’t give us the right to work, it gives some employers the right to fire us. That’s the way some bills are written.”

She took at least a couple more swings at the blog posts distributed by her primary opponent.

“I’m still bothered by that stuff that’s in that blog that’s just full of falsehoods,” she said, making a face and discarding her prepared remarks to hammer the other blog entry, which called Labuda insensitive for comparing payday lending borrowers with alcoholics.

“The comparison to alcoholism,” an exasperated Labuda said, “I’m not trying to demean anybody. I’m just trying to point out that for every legal item out there, there’s some people that aren’t able to use it correctly. I’m trying very hard to keep payday lending around for people who need it.”

We stand by our original commentary on both the nature of Houck’s primary campaign as well as Labuda’s asinine remarks on payday lending outfits. We invite Rep. Labuda and Ms. Houck to air their comments on either issue.



That said, Houck patently cannot have it both ways. It is ridiculous for her to defend her primary challenge by noting that it is “mathematically impossible” for a Republican to win in HD-1 while at the same time passing out campaign literature that implies she’s the better candidate because Labuda cannot easily hold the seat. If Houck is so certain that any Democratic candidate will win, why can’t that candidate be the three-term incumbent?

As regards the payday lending issue, Labuda continues to err by even bringing up her ill-informed remarks at all.  We understand that she probably misspoke in comparing payday-lendees to alcoholics. After all, in the era of the ten second soundbite, no politician in their right mind would make that kind of statement intentionally. We hope.

Instead of vacillating, though, all Rep. Labuda needed to say last week was something to the effect of “I misspoke” before going on to say “I’m trying very hard to keep payday lending around for people who need it.”

In politics, perception is just as important as reality. That Labuda’s comments on payday lenders can even be perceived as offensive means that they probably are offensive. Rather than attempting to justify what, by any measure, were incredibly insensitive remarks, Labuda just needs to reframe the issue. To her credit, she attempted to do exactly that. But she needs to do it better. Referring to insidious “blog posts” isn’t nearly as effective as simply admitting her mistake. Let’s be clear: it was an enormous mistake for Labuda to even mention alcoholism in the same breath as payday-lending borrowers. We didn’t make that mistake – we just pointed it out.

We don’t have a horse in this race. Jeanne Labuda is correct: the Houck campaign should be the ones putting together a campaign instead of relying on our commentary. After all, it’s Houck’s name that will be on the ballot, not ours. But Labuda has opened herself up to criticism and the widespread belief that she’s an ineffective campaigner. That criticism will continue if she continues to make mistakes no incumbent representative should be making.

If you received a copy of the Houck campaign literature featuring our blog posts, we’d love to see it. Just e-mail us: info@denverpols.com

How, Exactly, do you “Deliver a Future?”

While Denver Mayor Michael Hancock might be struggling to brand his economic initiatives without using trite corporate parlance, nobody can fault him for his efforts to get citizens involved in the Denver budget.

As part of those efforts, Hancock will be hosting a town hall meeting tomorrow morning. From Delivering Denver’s Future:

DELIVERING DENVER’S FUTURE

Join Mayor Hancock to provide your feedback on creating a sustainable Denver

Help shape the future of our world-class city!

Mayor Michael B. Hancock is exploring ways to help Denver eliminate the persistent budget gap. He needs your input!

The Mayor is launching a public engagement process to hear about Denver residents’ priorities on how the City funds our essential services.

You will weigh in on important questions regarding our great City’s future. Come share YOUR cost-saving and revenue generating ideas with the Mayor.

Join us! Together we can deliver a world-class city where everyone matters.

COMMUNITY TOWN HALLS

Saturday, March 31

9:00 – 10:30 AM

Cook Park Recreation Center

7100 Cherry Creek Drive, South

Unable to attend? Submit your input to Mayor Hancock through the interactive website at DeliveringDenversFuture.org or email us at DDF@DenverGov.org

Hancock’s been very creative in his promotion of citizen involvement in the budgeting process. That said, we can’t help but wonder: how exactly do you “deliver a future?” We were under the impression that the future is one of those things that is going to come with or without delivery. Is there a way to deliver the future faster? What if you promise the future-delivery boy a really, really good tip? Obviously Hancock wants to deliver a certain kind of very prosperous future for Denver, but the “shape Denver” talking point seems more appropriate for that end goal.

Semantic quibbling aside, it seems that Hancock learned at least one lesson from former opponent Chris Romer: Denver aspires to be a “world-class city.” Romer relied on that talking point throughout his campaign and now, it seems, Hancock’s using the same phrasing from within the mayor’s office.

Majority of Denver GOP Supports Amendment 64

While Pat Robertson’s “endorsement” of this cycle’s Amendment 64 might have been the most surprising right-wing support of recreational marijuana usage, even Denver GOP activists seem to be coming out in favor of the measure.

That’s the latest word, at least, from the Campaign to Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol:

On the heels of the Pat Robertson endorsement of Amendment 64, it is great to see increasing support for regulating marijuana like alcohol across the ideological spectrum. It is impressive and encouraging that a majority of some of the most active Republicans in Denver voted to endorse the initiative. As more and more Coloradans see their friends and neighbors voicing their opposition to marijuana prohibition, we expect support for the initiative will continue to grow.

A remarkable 56% of delegates at last week’s Denver County Republican Assembly voted in support of a resolution to endorse the amendment, just short of the 2/3rds required to adopt support as an official platform plank. That’s so remarkable, in part, because those who attend county assemblies (and any local party event, both Democratic and Republican) aren’t always the best indicator of the party at-large — they’re more involved, and as a result, more opinionated than the average Dem or GOP voter. That over 50% of the party’s most right-wing members voted in favor of an issue that’s more palatable to liberal voters is evidence that Amendment 64 might just have legs within the Republican core heading into the general election.

We doubt very many of those at the county assembly have even seen a marijuana plant in the last decade or more. Yet a majority were inclined to support the measure because there are arguments that aren’t related to recreational or medical marijuana use, including a state’s-rights issue that pits Colorado against the big, bad Federal government. Even the most strident, anti-marijuana social conservative has to like that image.

The Denver GOP, of course, isn’t representative of the entire Colorado Republican Party. But it’s important to note that even the mile high’s most hardcore Republicans aren’t totally opposed to the idea behind Amendment 64.  

Who is Mayor of Glendale, Again?

Folks, there are probably a lot of compelling reasons to attend this week’s “The Road Ahead 2012” transportation summit. Maybe you’re interested in the completion of FasTracks. Maybe “the creation of livable communities” is your thing. Or perhaps you’re just looking for an excuse to spend two hours out of the office on Thursday morning.

We can’t envision anybody shelling out $50 for the event, though, in the hopes of witnessing the historic “last-ever” joint appearance of Denver Mayor Michael Hancock, Aurora Mayor Steve Hogan, and Glendale Mayor…Larry Harte.

Don’t tell that to summit host Rich McClintock. He thinks the political implications are remarkable enough to draw in those who aren’t transportation wonks. After all, says McClintock, the event “may well be the last time these three Mayors make a joint appearance; Glendale Mayor Larry Harte is leaving office in early April.”

To be honest, we’re a little surprised this isn’t the first time these three mayors have made a joint appearance. Who knew Glendale even had a mayor? Glendale is a whopping 1 square mile and just under 4,600 people live there. It’s so small that, instead of measuring itself by the .6 square miles of habitable land within city limits, Glendale instead calls itself a “compact 369 acres.” By comparison, Denver is nearly 100,000 acres.

Essentially, being mayor of Glendale is akin to being the president of a really big condo association.

That’s no slight against incumbent Mayor Larry Harte. We’re sure he does a fine job – at least, we’ve never heard otherwise. But if part of the marketing for your event is that the mayor of a really, really tiny city is going to have his last ever photo-op with the mayor of two fairly important cities, you should probably frame things a little differently.

All jokes aside, we’ve included Transportation Solutions’ full press advisory after the jump.

McMullen Sees Writing on the Wall, Bows Out of HD-9 Race

For the entirety of the HD-9 primary campaign between Democrats Paul Rosenthal and Bill McMullen, Rosenthal has campaigned like an incumbent. He’s swept up every single relevant endorsement in the area and capitalized on momentum acquired by jumping into the race at the earliest moment he could.

Noted for the record, then, is one of the more in-your-face press releases we’ve seen in any primary campaign. From the Rosenthal campaign:

ROSENTHAL CRUSHES RTD DIRECTOR BILL MCMULLEN IN DEMOCRATIC CAUCUS UNPRECEDENTED WIN WITH 81% OF VOTE

DENVER, March 7, 2012 – Paul Rosenthal, Democratic candidate for Colorado State House District 9, won the Democratic Caucuses against RTD Director, Bill McMullen, with 81% of the vote.

“This is a grassroots victory.  We won almost every precinct by going neighbor to neighbor and being the progressive voice for economic and social justice.  Southeast Denver has spoken loud and clear.  Democrats have chosen me to be their voice for working families across Colorado.  I have a proven track record of getting results.”

Rosenthal’s campaign knocked on over 350 doors, made over 1,300 phone calls, put together 5 events, and held a live telephone town hall two days before the Democratic Caucuses.  Rosenthal also worked to pump up small businesses by holding the First Annual Sample of Southeast Denver, which featured a culinary and entertainment soiree with food from five local restaurants, at Aerial Dance Over Denver.

On Caucus night on Tuesday, Rosenthal told a crowd of Democrats at Thomas Jefferson High School, “We can’t get to where we need to go by cutting:  K-12, Higher ed, Mental health, and Medicaid.  All were cut.  No more cuts!  No more cutting while Colorado’s big oil and gas companies get $300 million in tax breaks.”

Rosenthal will go on to the Denver County and Multi-county Assemblies with 83 delegates from the Denver County preference poll.  McMullen attained 9 delegates, and 11 are currently uncommitted.  Delegates from Arapahoe County’s precincts in Colorado House District 9 are not included in this figure, but Rosenthal won all these precinct straw polls with unanimous support.

Reading that press release, it almost seems as though Rosenthal was surprised to have “crushed” McMullen. Really, given the invisibility of McMullen’s campaign so far, we’re surprised Rosenthal only got 81% of the vote. Still, if Rosenthal was trying to drive home the inevitability of his selection as the eventual Democratic nominee, at least one person was listening.

From Bill McMullen’s letter to Democratic Party of Denver Chair Cindy Lowery-Graber:

Dear Cindy,

Per this letter I am officially dropping from the race in house district nine.  It has been a wonderful process, and I have enjoyed the campaign.  However, the Democrats’ have spoken and I have heard it.  I want to inform you that during this primary race both sides acted in a manner that all Democrats would be pleased, and proud of.  The officers of our party are outstanding, as our members.  I am now going to look forward to being a constituent of State Representative Paul Rosenthal.

Sincerely,

Bill McMullen, committeeperson 930

McMullen probably should’ve dropped out of this race long before Denver Democrats had a chance to make their voices heard in the selection process; he’s lost a fair amount of political capital by continuing his shoestring campaign in light of Rosenthal’s success.

Still, McMullen shouldn’t be discouraged by his poor showing this time around – no matter how much Rosenthal’s press releases would like him to be. After all, presumptive nominee Paul Rosenthal himself lost a hard-fought primary bid against Joe Miklosi in 2008. That Rosenthal was able to rise from the ashes of his own defeat for this same seat should be evidence enough that McMullen may be able to try again another year.  

5 of Colorado Statesman’s “Top 12 Races to Watch” are in Jeffco

The Colorado Statesman’s inimitable Ernest Luning last week gave his rundown of the top 12 tightest legislative races to watch in 2012.  

Lo and behold, nearly half of all of those races are in Jeffco.

From Luning:

It’s just four months until Colorado voters cast ballots in the June primary, and already the battle for control of the General Assembly is taking shape.

Following last year’s contentious reapportionment fight, which scrambled districts statewide and resulted in an unusually high number of competitive districts – at least as measured by voter registration statistics – both Republicans and Democrats are vying for majorities in the state House and Senate. Republicans currently hold a one-vote margin in the House, and Democrats control the Senate by five votes, but an unprecedented turnover in the chambers means those majorities could be entirely up for grabs this year.

The Colorado Statesman has compiled a list of the 12 legislative races – including a handful of primaries – to watch this year, based on interviews with party strategists, campaign operatives, candidates and neutral observers. At the end of each month up to the election, we’ll update the list to reflect changes in the ranking based on what’s sure to be a dynamic campaign year.



1. Senate District 22 – Democratic state Rep. Andy Kerr vs. Republican state Rep. Ken Summers

This is the marquee legislative race this year because it pits two solidly partisan, veteran lawmakers against each other in a quintessential swing district smack in the middle of bellwether Jefferson County. It’s also the contest that has seen the most twists and turns on the way to the final line-up, promising plenty of excitement right down to the wire. Reapportionment maps crowded state Reps. Kerr and Summers, along with Democratic state Rep. Max Tyler, into the same House district, leaving Kerr and Summers to emerge as candidates for the open Senate seat.

Rated: A pure toss-up.



3. House District 29 – Incumbent Republican state Rep. Robert Ramirez vs. Democratic challenger Tracy Kraft-Tharp

Even if this north Jefferson County district weren’t one of the most evenly divided in the state, it would still feature one of the most hotly contested races if only because of its symbolic value. This was the seat that flipped control of the House from Democrats to Republicans in 2010 when Ramirez toppled state Rep. Debbie Benefield by a mere 197 votes. Since that win, House Speaker Frank McNulty has been touting Ramirez as the linchpin for Republicans. Though he briefly flirted with a run for his Senate seat, by all appearances he’s working as hard to keep his seat as he did to win it the first time around, facing a strong challenge from lawyer Kraft-Tharp, a Democratic Party stalwart.

Rated: Pure toss-up.



6. Senate District 19 – Incumbent Democratic state Sen. Evie Hudak vs. Republican challenger Lang Sias

Republicans want this Arvada and Westminster seat in a big way, evidenced by a flurry of TV ads – yes, TV ads! – already unleashed on Hudak in an attempt to soften her up for past congressional candidate Sias. The ads went after Hudak for supporting last fall’s failed ballot initiative Proposition 103. It would have raised state taxes by $3 billion to fund education, a hot-button issue Democrats aren’t too worried will irreparably damage the former teacher, whose views on education funding are hardly a secret. On the heels of his losing primary to run against U.S. Rep. Ed Perlmutter, Sias brings campaign experience and the past backing of U.S. Sen. John McCain to the suburban battleground.

Rated: Hudak’s familiarity with district gives her a slight edge, but Sias could benefit from sour voter mood.



7. House District 28 – Republican Amy Attwood vs. the winner of a Democratic primary between Brian Carroll and Brittany Pettersen

By the numbers alone, this Lakewood district ought to be a safe Democratic seat, but the combination of a combative Democratic primary and a seasoned Republican candidate make the outcome less predictable. Attwood knows the district inside and out, having run a failing bid for Lakewood City Council and gotten a jump on the partisan side as an aide to state Rep. Ken Summers, who is running for an open Senate seat. She’ll have the advantage of campaigning unobstructed through June while the Democrats slog through a primary. Campaign organizer Pettersen jumped in the race last week at the urging of local Democrats who feared Carroll had burned too many bridges during his short-lived primary challenge last fall against state Rep. Andy Kerr, when Carroll ran as the first openly gay veteran to launch a bid following the repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” military rule.

Rated: Pettersen looks strong out of the gate, and if primary isn’t too bruising could hold the advantage in November.



8. House District 23 – Incumbent Democratic state Rep. Max Tyler vs. Republican challenger Rick Enstrom

Touted as a top example of Republican legislative candidate recruitment efforts this year, Enstrom’s bid to unseat Tyler could give the Democrat his first real race in the central Jefferson County district. The candy man brings a solid record of public service and mainstream GOP positions to a race Republicans hope to turn into a referendum on Tyler’s more liberal approach to government.

Rated: Leans Tyler, but Enstrom will make him work for it.

We think Luning is spot on in almost all of his analysis. The campaign between Kerr and Summers isn’t simply the most compelling in Jeffco, it’s an incredibly important indicator of Colorado’s political temperature as 2012 progresses. There’s good reason it’s the top race to watch.

We disagree, however, that the race between Kraft-Tharp and Ramirez is a toss-up. Kraft-Tharp is outraising the sitting representative, after all. Ramirez’s brief exit from the House race only bolsters the perception that Kraft-Tharp is the candidate to beat, and that perception will only lead to increased fundraising. Luning’s right that the dynamics of this race may very well change between now and November – Ramirez will no doubt receive a healthy amount of outside support from those wanting to preserve the razor-thin GOP majority in the House – but we think Kraft-Tharp is currently enjoying a definite edge. Ramirez knows it, too.

As for the House District 28 campaign, we agree that Pettersen is making the best case for the Democratic nomination right now in part because of her backing from prominent “local Democrats.” If Carroll can argue, however, that he’s learned from his past indiscretions and if he continues pulling in enough money, he’ll swiftly fill the gap. He’ll also need to demonstrate that he didn’t move into Lakewood just to run for office.

Either way, we give Attwood the advantage against either Democratic candidate. Unlike both Carroll and to a lesser extent Pettersen, Attwood is well-known in Lakewood. Yes, she lost her last campaign for Lakewood City Council, but that only gives her impetus to work that much harder for the house seat. And we suspect that many Lakewood voters wish Attwood had won her last election, given Councilman Dave Wiechman’s recent problems.  

Denver Council to Hold Public Meetings on Redistricting

Often lost in the media frenzy surrounding reapportionment and redistricting is the fact that local municipalities also have to redraw their political subdivisions to match the newest Census data.

Most cities in Colorado have redistricting provisions buried in their city charter, and Denver is no different. Some municipalities go so far as to contract the entire redistricting process out to a third party, but the Mile High City is keeping it decidedly in house – the Denver City Council is taking charge of the line-drawing and will present finalized maps by the end of April.

While it’s unlikely that any sitting councilmembers will draw their own residences out of any district, the Colorado legislative reapportionment process soundly demonstrated that just about anything can happen when new lines are drawn.

To keep citizens involved in what could end up being a very complex process, then, the Denver City Council will be hosting a series of town-hall meetings in the coming weeks for input on proposed maps.

(DENVER)  The Denver City Council will hold five public meetings beginning February 29, 2012, in the different quadrants of the City to collect public input on several proposed redistricting maps.  All Denver residents are encouraged to attend and provide feedback.

At least once every 10 years, the Denver City Council must redraw its district boundaries, based on the latest U.S. Census data.  In order to comply with the Charter, Denver City Council must adopt an ordinance establishing new council district boundaries by the end of April 2012.  The new map will be effective for purposes of the 2015 municipal election.

On September 26, 2011, Council adopted Resolution 11-0661 stating its principles and procedures for the redistricting process.  In accordance with this resolution, five public meetings have been scheduled to explain the redistricting purpose and process to the public, present proposed maps, and gather public input.

Citizens will have the option of attending the meetings in person, or e-mailing their questions and/or comments to the City Council.  E-mail may be sent to:

redistricting@denvergov.org.

Citizens will have until the last public meeting on March 10th to submit questions or comments.

More information related to redistricting can be found on the Denver City Council website at:  www.denvergov.org/citycouncil (click on the Redistricting tab at the top of the page).

The schedule for the public meetings follows.

Central Quadrant:

Wednesday, February 29, 2012      

City & County Bldg., Room 391

1437 Bannock St.  

5:30-7:00 pm

Southwest Quadrant:

Thursday, March 1, 2012

Southwest Improvement Council (SWIC) Bldg.

1000 S. Lowell Blvd.

5:30 – 7:00 pm

Northeast Quadrant:

Wednesday, March 7, 2012      

Central Park Recreation Center

9651 E. MLK (Martin Luther King) Blvd.

6:00 – 7:30 pm

Southeast Quadrant:

Thursday, March 8, 2012    

Police District 3 Station

1625 S. University

6:00 – 7:30 pm

Northwest Quadrant:

Saturday, March 10, 2012      

Historic Delmonico Hall

3220 Federal Blvd.

10:00 am – 12:00 pm

District 9:

Saturday, March 3, 2012      

Historic Delmonico Hall

3220 Federal Blvd.

10:00 am – 12:00 pm

 

Always Renew Your Domain Names: Jeanne Labuda Edition

If you’re a candidate for any public office, one of your first steps should be registering a domain name that consists of your first name and last name – nothing more, and nothing less.

The reasoning is simple: when voters first get their ballots and they see an unfamiliar name, they’ll turn to Google before they try to remember what they saw on the mail piece they threw out three weeks ago. If you’re a candidate or any sort of public figure, then, it’s important that the information you’ve crafted be the first info they see on the web and equally important that those supporting your opponent can’t use your own name against you.

HD-1 Rep. Jeanne Labuda has a fairly unique name and as a result her campaign website, jeannelabuda.com, has dominated the Google search for her name. That’s a pretty good URL for Labuda to have: it’s literally as easy to remember as her name, and it’s not so long or obscure – think of something to the tune of Labuda4HD1Rep.com –  that it would look out of place on mail or yard signs.

The problem with jeannelabuda.com, however, is that Jeanne Labuda no longer owns it. She used to own it, as evidenced by her campaign filings with the Secretary of State’s Office. Sometime between now and last October, however, Labuda (or whoever was managing Labuda’s website) forgot to renew their domain registration. Now, jeannelabuda.com is a headache-inducing blend of green, red, and white hocking LASIK eye surgery in Japanese. The first thing voters will click on when the Google search Jeanne Labuda, then, is a spammy-landing page that has nothing to do with their representative.

All things considered, this isn’t the end of the world for Labuda. She’s re-located her campaign website to jeannelabudaco.com – it’s not nearly as good as her original URL, but at least her name is still in there somewhere.

Still, this is one of those things that Labuda should never have let happen. Any yard signs or campaign literature that had her old domain on it are now useless, not to mention that Labuda’s website is nowhere near the first (or tenth) page of a Google search for her name. Juxtapose that with primary opponent Corrie Houck, who controls the first page of a search for her name, and it’s clear that Labuda should’ve just paid the 10 or 15 bucks to keep her url. Having a workable, searchable domain name is one of those things that doesn’t give your campaign any perceivable edge but really hurts when you neglect it.

Of course, it’s a simple, easily avoidable mistake like this that really showcases why Houck is challenging Labuda in the first place. If Labuda can’t even organize her campaign such that her domain name doesn’t lapse, the argument goes, she may be equally likely to make similar mistakes throughout 2012. The difference is that those mistakes matter; if Labuda hasn’t crafted a campaign organization now, who’s to say she’ll have one by the time she actually needs to defend her seat?  

Has Andrea Merida Paid Back Her Overages Yet?

In September of last year, it was revealed that DPS Board Member Andrea Merida had charged over $12,000 of personal expenses – ranging from fast food to phone bills to flowers – to her district provided and taxpayer funded credit card.

Merida at first refused to pay back any of the $7,500 she spent beyond her $5,000 allotment before she begrudgingly agreed to reimburse the district.

Now, over 5 months later, the question remains: has Andrea Merida paid back her overages?

Merida claimed to have repaid the district in October and that her repayment was “rejected.” That claim was summarily dismissed by Board President Nate Easley and other DPS administrators.

Merida wasn’t pressed on the issue again until last month, when the Denver newspaper editorial board again asked that she make amends and repay DPS.

Instead of pledging to reimburse the taxpayers, Merida instead took issue with the paper’s observation of two recently-incurred charges for Netflix and Xbox Live.

The board member claimed that those charges were “fraudulent” and the credit card company agreed, reversing the transactions and crediting that money back to the district.

In defense of those fraudulent charges, Merida went on to say that:

Even though board policy does not require me to make any payments to the district, I am covering my own normally-allowed expenses and have brought spending down to zero.  By the time my first term is over, the district will have saved at least $15,400.  I do this because I respect the sacrifice the taxpayers of my district have made, though the record shows that past board members neither curbed their own spending nor improved the policy.  This board did, unanimously.  It is truly unfortunate that this situation has been spun for political gain, while our district buckles under the weight of risky investment schemes that drain millions in unbudgeted dollars from our classrooms.

It’s very admirable that Merida is covering her “normally-allowed expenses” and that she’s “brought spending down to zero.” Neither of those statements, however, answer the one question at the heart of this whole ordeal: has Merida paid the district back yet?

Merida is using very carefully crafted language to imply that she’s done everything required of her – and more – in an effort to be a transparent and responsive elected official. The district will have saved $15,400 by the end of her term, after all! Absent in all of Merida’s statements, of course, is the one stating that she’s fulfilled her September pledge to repay the school district.

If Merida is serious about putting this story behind her and if she’s tired of the “situation being spun for political purposes” then the solution is very simple: pay back her much-lambasted expenses and make an absolute statement communicating that those expenses have been paid in full.

Until Merida does both of those things, this issue will continue to linger and further pollute her term on the Board. She made a rather unequivocal pledge – after equivocating, of course – to repay the district and all she needs to do to put this entire issue behind her is make that repayment. Maybe she has repaid it. If that’s the case, then instead of writing about “respect for the sacrifices of the taxpayer” all she has to say is that she’s fulfilled her obligation.

Unless she does, however, all of her complaints about “political spin” look little less than political posturing.  

Login

Recent Comments


Posts about

Donald Trump
SEE MORE

Posts about

Rep. Lauren Boebert
SEE MORE

Posts about

Rep. Yadira Caraveo
SEE MORE

Posts about

Colorado House
SEE MORE

Posts about

Colorado Senate
SEE MORE

39 readers online now

Newsletter

Subscribe to our monthly newsletter to stay in the loop with regular updates!