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September 17, 2009 09:03 AM UTC

The Filibuster: Why We're Filibusted

  • 41 Comments
  • by: roguestaffer

(More good meat and potatoes information from the Roguestaffer – promoted by Colorado Pols)

[Much thanks to my friend G. We’ve had many conversations, online & off, over this subject, over the years, and he’s been a great source – RS]

“I don’t remember the old-timey filibusters well enough to know whether the majority having to hang around is so. And I don’t have time right now to look it up. I just remember: how they had to fill everyone’s offices and the cloakroom and all with cots, and how cranky everyone got at having to show up in the chamber in bathrobes.”

“AND by all means, lets require the filibusterers ACTUALLY TO DO IT.”

In the interests of possibly never hearing or reading any more comments like that, I’m putting up this long essay on what it really means to launch and curtail a filibuster.

Filibusters are governed by Rules XIX and XXII of the Senate. All a filibuster is is a form of obstruction where a Senator (or more than one, theoretically, but you don’t see that often) attempts to delay or entirely prevent a vote on a proposal by extending a debate on that proposal.

Rule XIX governs floor debate, and allows the Senators to “rise & address the Presiding Officer”. That rule is what makes filibusters technically possible. Rule XXII governs the precedence of motions, and it’s the rule that handles when debate on an issue can be closed, if at all. Of the two, Rule XXII is more important.

There’s a third governing authority: Riddick’s Senate Procedure. It’s 1,500 pages, and covers 200 years of parliamentary rulings on obscure & arcane issues of Senate procedure.

Originally, Rule XXII required a two-thirds super-majority of Senators present and voting in order to close debate. The Compromise of 1975 changed that number to three-fifths – that’s why you see an emphasis on 60 votes as opposed to 67 votes.

That said, any other changes to Rule XXII still require a two-thirds super-majority. This becomes important later, so remember that.

Notice that there’s no talking required in the current iteration of the rules. The Senate Majority Leader may require a traditional, “old-timey” filibuster if he so desires, but you won’t see that happen. More on that in a second, but let’s indulge those who’d like to see an “old-timey” filibuster.

During a filibuster, a Senator can only speak twice on any one issue. That’s why you would see Senators tag-teaming. The Senator speaks until they’re hoarse, at which point they yield to the next Senator. Anyone involved can deliver a second speech on the issue; after they’ve finished, they can then make motions or offer amendments on the issue – and then, in turn, take turns speaking on those as well. Depending on how many folks you round up for your filibuster, this can go on for weeks or even months – the record is 75 days, in 1964.

Now, here’s why you won’t see an “old-timey” filibuster. For simplicity, I’m going to assume Republicans would be filibustering and Democrats wouldn’t, because they’re in the minority, and the filibuster is, by definition, a minority tactic.

You would think the process would be more costly to those doing the talking. You would be mistaken.

Republicans only need one person in the chamber at any given moment, babbling away. Democrats, on the other hand, have to make sure that a quorum (a majority of all Senators) is on hand, which is a Constitutional requirement for the Senate to conduct business.

If there’s no quorum after a Democrat has demanded a quorum call, the Senate must adjourn, giving the Republican debaters a chance to go home, sleep, and generally put things off even more.

That’s why, back in the “old-timey” (God, I love that description) days, there were cots in the Senate backrooms, and members of the majority would show up to roll-calls in their bathrobes (not necessarily a sight I would encourage seeing).

Those seeking a quorum, by the way, can demand that the Senate’s Sergeant-at-Arms arrest Senators, in order to force them to make quorum. That’s actually happened – in 1988, Capitol Police actually physically carried Sen. Bob Packwood into the chamber, at the command of then-Majority Leader Robert Byrd.

So, in short, during an “old-timey” filibuster, you’d need 50 Democrats on hand at any one time for the quorum call. The Republicans, on the other hand, just have to have their one guy on the floor, while the rest of them get their beauty sleep.

And imagine that going on for days…or weeks…or months. Senators don’t like standing around with nothing to do. They like seeing their families, and going home, and meeting with constituents, and going to fundraisers, and watching movies or football games, or do whatever else they feel like doing – they’re humans, after all!

This means that the pain of filibusters falls totally on the side trying to end the filibuster, not the side holding one. Think about it – that’s incredibly perverse.

And it’s not going to change anytime soon, if ever, because in order to change Rule XXII, you need 67 votes. Good luck trying to get there anytime soon.

“Make ’em pay a political price, man! Health care is too important of an issue!”

Yeah, ok. As I just said: the pain of filibusters falls on the side trying to stop one, not the side holding one. Yes – I think making 50 Democrats stand around the Senate anterooms, for weeks on end, if necessary, is a higher price than one Republican hanging out in the Senate chamber.

That’s the issue. That’s why you don’t see “old-timey” filibusters anymore – because look at who really pays the price for actually having one.

You’re not going to change that unless you change Rule XXII, and you’re not going to change Rule XXII unless you get 67 Senators to agree.

Oh – and if you think Republicans would pay a price for filibustering, think again. They would merely get Mike Crapo of Idaho, Mike Enzi and Craig Barasso of Wyoming, Jim Inhofe of Oklahoma, maybe Jim DeMint in South Carolina to actually conduct the filibuster – all hailing from deep red states, all standing ready to rake in millions of dollars in contributions from their base for their “brave, heroic stand in defense of freedom”, or some such thing.

And before you slam them, think about it – we would have done the same thing back in 2005, only featuring maybe John Kerry, Chris Dodd, Joe Biden…and our base would’ve contributed just as readily.

There’s no way around it – a filibuster is a kiss of death. It needs to go, but we’re too locked in combat to let it go.  

Comments

41 thoughts on “The Filibuster: Why We’re Filibusted

  1. I disagree on the conclusions, but can’t fault the overview – it’s very thorough.  One question: does it have to be a Democrat who calls for a quorum?  The painful part would be having the “backup” Republican calling for quorum counts every hour or two.

    Yes, it’s terribly painful to Democrats to maintain their presence during a filibuster.  At most 7 of them (plus perhaps one or both of the independents – I think one more likely) can be “out of hand” at any one time, assuming they all support a bill so much that they’re willing to put up with these shenanigans.  Realistically, this means only one or two Senate Dems can be truly absent during a filibuster…

    But, if you go with most of the polls, support for a public option is strong enough that Democrats holding out against the wingers might be a PR gain.  In fact, if, as you suggest, it’s the Inhofe’s and the DeMint’s leading the filibuster charge, then Democrats could stand to gain significantly.  Democrats have a problem right now: they’re losing their popularity among their base, and it’s got a lot to do with health care.  People who vote for Democrats don’t want a lousy plan, but they do want a plan.  A few days in chambers listening to whacko Senators preaching from the podium (and breaking out to the Capitol steps for the occasional press conference about it) would not be a Bad Thing, IMHO.    Let it go on for a week.  Do some work, then come back to the filibuster.  I believe that’s within the power of the majority to schedule, no?

    1. If you go for a traditional filibuster, you cannot schedule any other business. The work of the Senate literally grinds to a halt. The only way you can schedule other work is if you stick with the modern filibuster (i.e., no babbling).

      That’s why the filibuster is such a powerful weapon.

      The anti-filibustering side has to be even more determined than the filibustering side. That’s why filibustering is such a non-idle threat: because it’s a heck of a lot easier to filibuster, troublesome than it is, than to break a filibuster, if you don’t clearly have 60 votes on your side.

      It can happen. But that’s the answer to the constant refrain of “I don’t understand: why don’t the Democrats just make the Republicans carry out a filibuster?”

      Because it’s a huge pain in the ass to do it. Are Democrats prepared to have the entire caucus live in the Senate building for a month or two, never leaving, while the Republicans just send in two Senators at a time? Do you think that’s something they can afford to do casually?

      Either the Democrats rustle up 60 votes, or they can’t break a filibuster unless somehow the Republicans screw up. It’s just that simple.

      That means holding on to 57 Democrats, including the severely sick Robert Byrd, plus Independents Bernie Sanders and Joe Lieberman, and adding at least one Republican vote. Good luck.

      Folks who keep saying “but we have 60 votes! I don’t understand!” indeed, don’t understand.

          1. There has been so much bad faith on behalf of the minority party right now regarding healthcare, from Joe Wilson, to the tea party express, to pandering for health insurers, that I think the dems should use it if they have to, so we can finally get the shit done.

            The republicans are going to use everything in their arsenal to stifle meaningful healthcare reform, and indeed we have seen a lot of it already.

            I’ll see your death panel/Nazi/socialism/government takeover canards and raise you a nuclear option.

            1. because it meant that once the change was made, it’s going to be around for a long time and was going to be a complete game changer then and well into the future.  Just like the problem they are currently facing in filling Ted Kennedy’s seat in Massachusetts.  Making a change like that always has unintended consequences…..

      1. those were Dinos!!  Really, they were just waiting for a reason to run back into the fold of the Party of Lincoln.  It had been 100 years since Lincoln, after all.

        1. Not really sure how you can call them DINOs, because back then that’s what a Democrat was.

          But I know history, and I realize that Democrats  have changed.  They’ve gotten much worse.

          1. And I don’t think reforming health care is worse than opposing civil rights.  Mostly I was joking, but in the sense that the party went from the relatively conservative JFK to a sling of Carter/FDR-style liberals, many of whom are extremely corrupt, it got worse.

            Republicans got so much better after that, until 2000 when they ran on good issues, took power, and promptly rammed shitty legislation down their own voters’ throats.  Medicare Part D?  Ridiculous.  Patriot Act?  Mostly ridiculous.  No Child Left Behind?  Awful.  The Department of Education needs to be boarded up altogether.

            Right now we should all be worried.

  2. Senators don’t like standing around with nothing to do. They like seeing their families, and going home, and meeting with constituents, and going to fundraisers, and watching movies or football games, or do whatever else they feel like doing – they’re humans, after all!

  3. Wow. What a lot of silly arguments we could have avoided over the last few years.  You are a treasure. Must admit…I’m one of those make them go through with the damned cots on the floor filibuster arguers. Consider me reformed.

  4. I was on the Senate side as a D staffer when the R’s had control in the 108th session.  One of my clearest memories of that session was watching the R’s trying to line up 60 votes on the energy bill, and they only got 59 because Tom Delay wouldn’t concede on MTBE language so the NH Senators voted no on cloture.  We were counting each vote in the office during the roll call.  If I recall, Reid also pulled a ~16-hour(?) solo filibuster on something that session.

  5. If it’s only the majority party who can make a quorum call, then “all” the Dem leadership needs to do is make sure no one makes that call when there are fewer than 51 Senators in the chamber. Right?

    If you can keep “suspect” Dems away from the chamber, then you wouldn’t really need to worry how many are on hand. Right?

    It seems like this would be easier to do than to keep 50 Dems in close proximity to the chamber.

      1. I just needed this cleared up to make sure I understood.

        (What I was referring to with “suspect” Dems was only germane if only members of the majority party could call for a quorum. Thus I was allowing for a scenario in which some in the majority party were supportive of the filibusterer’s objective (i.e., members whose loyalty was suspect). But all of this is moot now.

  6. Is the ruling limiting quorum calls to 2 per filibustering Senator still in effect?  That is, I think, one of the big things that limited use of filibusters in the past.

    Of course, this isn’t your daddy’s Republican Party.  Either they’re all pod people, or they’ve got some mighty huge leverage over their party, because even the “moderate” Republicans seem to be falling in line to support the filibuster on this one.

    IMHO, it’s a ridiculous abuse of their position as a Senator – one that, like Joe Wilson’s outburst the other week, would have been largely condemned or at least gone unsupported in the past.  But the GOP of today is a “win at all costs” kind of organization, more interested in power than in governance.  In today’s GOP, this is “the right thing to do”.

    1. The big change in the filibuster rules came in ’75, when they switched from a two-thirds super-majority to a three-fifths super-majority. The compromise left the other provisions intact, which in retrospect was a mistake.

      That said, Senators didn’t forsee the Senate becoming a hyper-parliamentary body, which is really the issue here. When someone like Olympia Snowe – who’s ridiculously popular in Maine and theoretically could have switched parties – can be brought in line, then the system as a whole is broken.

      That’s the problem; it’s not so much that we need the right guy in the White House; it’s that the system, in and of itself, is broken. And I don’t see a way around that.  

      1. the other way is that it slows passage of anything way down, which was always the point of the Senate rule structure in the first place.  From the beginning it was supposed to be the deliberative chamber, where consensus could be found through debate and hell, why do we have to fight over anything when the best ideas will win?  Of course that was unrealistic even back in the 1700’s, but I came to appreciate how hard it is to get anything to pass.  The one time I saw that break down in a serious way was the fear-induced passage of the Patriot Act.

        1. From one perspective, there’s actually nothing wrong with the Senate, since it is meant to be the deliberative chamber, where Senators can rise above party (or in the Original Daddies lingo, “faction”) to consider issues in the best interests of the country.

          That assumes that the Senate would behave like a super-charged House of Lords (for lack of a better term) as opposed to the parliamentary discipline of the House of Representatives.

          Obviously, that’s changed. I think it started doing so when Republicans from the class of ’94 started stepping up to the Senate, and took behaviors learned in the iron forge of Tom Delay’s Republican caucus with them, but you’d know more about that, having actually been there (I was in the House at the time).  

          1. it’s not an original observation, of course, but I agree with what I think was the general consensus that the Senate started getting very testy when the House R’s from the Gingrich era started coming over to the Senate

  7.    Senators would arrive with pee bottles and would read from the phone book or dictionary.

      More recently, the Dems did stage an actual filibuster circa ’02 or ’03 when the Shrub tried to put Miguel Estrada on the Ct. of App.

      CSPAN covered the “debate.”  I remember watching a few minutes of Hillary delivering a dissertion on the history of the constitution which was probably from the master’s thesis done by one of her staff members.

      It beat reading the phone book or dictionary.  

  8. I don’t see why this is so bad:

    If there’s no quorum after a Democrat has demanded a quorum call, the Senate must adjourn, giving the Republican debaters a chance to go home, sleep, and generally put things off even more.

    Everyone goes home and sleeps, and then you do it the next day, right?  What’s the problem?

    1. The filibuster doesn’t end unless you can invoke cloture. In order to do that, you need 60 votes – or count on the Republicans to screw up by yielding to a Democrat.

      1. If you don’t follow the rules, the majority party can pick up on the breach and step in.  Which is why you have at least one “helper” Republican on the floor along with the filibusterer; one to gab (or at least “hold the floor”), one to make motions or take over when the first has to yield the floor for a break.  Most Senators don’t have the stamina of Strom Thurmond.  (Thank whatever gods you may!)

  9. The way the quorum call also works is that the majority party has to stay in the chamber while the Minority Party is actually encouraged to have as few as possible in the chamber.  This allows the minority party to be in the hallways doing press conferences, news shows, and so on that helps the minority define the debate and gain public support.  This is doubly bad, because the filibuster attracts tons of public attention, and the only one able to address the media is the minority party…

    Thanks roguestaffer, your analysis was excellent.

    1. Originally, filibuster were one- or two-man affairs; you didn’t start seeing WWE-style battle royales until the advent of civil rights legislation.

      Incidentally, the House had a filibuster rule as well, until 1842, I believe.  

  10. ..but there seems to be an analytical step missing in your commentary.  Or, maybe it’s obvious to the world already but flew over my head at light speed:

    Because a filibuster is a pain in the arse to the majority party, that party will do much, much, much to avoid a likely filibuster.

    In other words, the filibustering party would be quite happy to have one, and it uses this as leverage against the other party?  

  11. It does not make sense that the Senators who want to sustain the filibuster do not have to be present.  Surely it would be more logical that if they’re not around then provided quorum is present then they only need 3/5 of those present to vote.

    And why did in times of old did anyone bother with the actual filibuster?  On the faint hope that a speaker would falter and give them the ‘ball’?

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